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1 re GROUPE DE RECHERCHE INNOVATIONS ET SOCIETES (GRIS) GROUPE SOCIETES RELIGIONS LAÏCITES (GSRL) PROGRAMME & ABSTRACTS CONFERENCE INSECURITY AND OTHERNESS (INSÉCURITÉ ET ALTÉRITÉ) AN INTEGRATED EUROPEAN PROJECT 17 AND 18 MAY 2007 UNIVERSITY OF ROUEN MAISON DE L UNIVERSITÉ

2 TABLE OF CONTENTS PROGRAMME...3 ABSTRACTS...8 Robert Castel...8 Patrick Cingolani...10 Paulo Vaz...10 Jonathan Ong...12 Eero Olli...12 Christian Papilloud...14 Marina Petronoti...15 Florian Geyer...16 Alexander Neumann...16 Sid Abdellaoui & Bernard Personnaz...20 Michalis Lianos...23 Sophie Devineau...24 Konrad Pedziwiatr...27 Richard Groulx...28 Didier Bigo...29 Sabine Delzescaux...30 Paul Reynolds...31 Michał Kozłowski...32 Jacques Rollet...33 Konrad Pedziwiatr...34 Oleksandr Svyetlov...35 Gyöngyvér Demény...36 Wilfried Graf...37 Michelle Dobré & Aldo Haesler...39 Ana Devic...40 John D. Cash...41 Jacques Donzelot...42 DIRECTIONS...43 p. 2

3 PROGRAMME Thursday, May 17, 2007 Room: SALLE DE CONFÉRENCES 9:30 10:10 Keynote Lecture 9:15 9:30 François Aballéa University of Rouen Opening Address ROBERT CASTEL National Postgraduate School for the Social Science (EHESS), Paris, France CITIZENSHIP AND OTHERNESS: COUNCIL ESTATE YOUTHS BETWEEN THE MARGIN AND THE CENTRE (Citoyenneté et altérité. La relation de la marge et du centre chez les jeunes de banlieue) 10:10 10:30 Discussion 10:30 12:30 SESSION I The Social Bond in the Multicultural Society: The Insecurity of Belonging (Chair: Didier Bigo) Antonello Petrillo Centre for Research on European Institutions (CRIE), University of Naples, Italy Ethnicity as Politics, Race as Policy: Discourses and Spaces in Advanced Liberal States (L'origine ethnique en tant que politique et l'origine raciale en tant qu'approche légale: discours et espaces dans les Etats libéraux avancés) Patrick Cingolani University Paris X-Nanterre, Paris, France The Insecurity of Emancipation (Insécurité de l émancipation) Paulo Vaz Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Virtual Victims and Avoidable Suffering: Mediatic Narratives of Crime in Rio de Janeiro Jonathan Ong London School of Economics and Political Science, United Kingdom Children Watching Children: An Audience Study on How Filipino Kids Perceive Suffering in International News Media p. 3

4 Eero Olli Centre for Combating Ethnic Discrimination, Oslo, Norway Rooting Insecurity to Ways of Organizing Empirical Evidence from Immigrant Households in Norway Christian Papilloud University of Lüneburg, Germany Painful Otherness (Altérité douloureuse) 12:00-12:30 Discussion 12:30 14:00 LUNCH RESTAURANT GASTRONOMIQUE DE L UNIVERSITE 14:00 16:00 SESSION II Egalitarianism as Discrimination (Chair: Danièle Carricaburu) Marina Petronoti National Institute for Social Science Research (EKKE), Athens, Greece Disguising Cultural and Political Insecurities in Multicultural Greece Florian Geyer Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS), Brussels, Belgium "Parallel Societies" and Integration of Minorities - a Recent Judgment of the Federal Constitutional Court Alexander Neumann University of Rouen, France Fear, Paranoia and the Case of the Authoritarian Personality (Peur, paranoïa, personnalité autoritaire) Sid Abdellaoui & Bernard Personnaz University of Rouen, France Ideologically Motivated and Isolated Racist Acts: A Study on the Importance of Target Community Belonging for Judging Incitement to Racial Hatred (Acte raciste idéologique ou acte raciste isolé : Etude sur le poids de l appartenance de la cible dans la manière de juger une incitation à la haine) Michalis Lianos University of Rouen, France Normative Otherness: From "Sovereign Subjects" to "Collateral Damage" (L'altérité normative: des "sujets souverains" aux "dommages collatéraux") p. 4

5 Sophie Devineau Lecturer, University of Rouen, France Teachers Good Conscience (Enseignants: la belle âme humanitaire) 15:30 15:50 Discussion 15:50 16:00 Coffee Break 16:00 18:00 SESSION III Dangerous Others and the Hegemony of Threat (Chair: Patrice Cohen) Konrad Pedziwiatr Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium Creation of the New Folk Devil or Muslims in the Polish Media Richard Groulx University of Québec at Montréal, Canada Governmentalities Crisis: What's Wrong with the Revival of Populism in Quebec and France (Vivons-nous actuellement une «crise de la gouvernementalité» : sur le malaise créé par la résurgence du populisme dans les récentes élections québécoises et françaises») Didier Bigo IEP, Paris, France; King's College, London, United Kingdom Internal and External Aspects of Security (Aspects internes et externes de la sécurité) Sabine Delzescaux University Paris 7-Denis Diderot, Paris, France "Are Teenagers Taken into Care Homes Increasingly Violent?" From the Feeling of Insecurity to the Acknowledgement of Otherness: a Few Thoughts on the Origins of Social Worker Representations («Les adolescents placés en foyer sont-ils de plus en plus violents?» Du sentiment d insécurité à la reconnaissance de l altérité, quelques éléments de réflexion sur la genèse des représentations des personnels éducatifs) Paul Reynolds Edge Hill University, Lancashire, United Kingdom The Clash of Barbarisms - Theirs and Ours and the Politics of Othering 17:30 18:00 Discussion 19:30 Dinner RESTAURANT LE BISTROT DE PANURGE (See attached map) p. 5

6 Friday, May 18, 2007 Venue: SALLE DIVISIBLE NORD 9:30 10:10 Keynote Lecture JOCK YOUNG University of Kent, United Kingdom (VERTIGO AND THE DANGEROUS OTHER IN LATE MODERNITY) 10:10 10:30 Discussion 10:30 12:30 SESSION IV Otherness as Empowerment (Chair: Catherine Peyrard) Jacques Rollet University of Rouen, France Insecurity and Otherness: Tocqueville and Renan on the Current State of Affairs (Insécurité et altérité : L'apport de Tocqueville et Renan pour l'actualité) Konrad Pedziwiatr Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium New Muslim Elites in Europe and Islam Empowering Oleksandr Svyetlov Harkiv University, Ukraine Us and Them: Otherness and Dangerousness in the Context of the Cold War: Russia vs. NATO and Western Capitalist Enemies Gyöngyvér Demény University of Rouen, France Otherness and Social Achievement Wilfried Graf Institute for Integrative Conflict Transformation and Peacebuilding (IICP); Institute for Sociology of Law and Criminology (IRKS); Vienna, Austria. Latent Fascism Syndrome: Hidden Aspects of Antisemitism and Islamophobia (Das latente Faschismus-Syndrom: Tiefendimensionen der Wiederkehr von Antisemitismus und Islamophobie) 12:00-12:30 Discussion p. 6

7 12:30 14:00 LUNCH RESTAURANT GASTRONOMIQUE DE L UNIVERSITE Aldo Haesler & Michelle Dobré University of Caen, France Protomodernity and Insecurity (Protomodernité et insécurité) 14:00 16:00 SESSION V Personal Adequacy and Social Uncertainty (Chair: François Aballéa) Ana Devic University of Glasgow, United Kingdom Multiculturalism vs. Culture in Post-Violence Zones (Case study of Bosnia-Herzegovina): Problems of (Western) Interpretations and Obstacles to Local Development John D. Cash University of Melbourne, Australia InSecurity and the Instituted Imaginary Michal Kozlowski University of Warsaw, Poland Polish Society must be Defended 15:30 15:50 Discussion 15:50 16:00 Coffee Break 16:00 16:40 Closing Address JACQUES DONZELOT University Paris X-Nanterre, France THE NEOLIBERAL TURN IN SECURITY POLICIES (L'inflexion néolibérale des politiques de sécurité) 16:40-17:15 Discussion Trains to Paris: Dep. 17:56, Arr. 19:07 Dep. 19:07, Arr. 20:17 PARIS FAREWELL DINNER for those participants who need to be in Paris by Friday evening. p. 7

8 ABSTRACTS Robert Castel Professor Emeritus National Postgraduate Social Science School of France (EHESS), Paris, France Citizenship and Otherness: Council Estate Youths between the Margin and the Centre I will try to open for discussion a dynamics for the production of otherness that consists in viewing marginal positions as constructed by the centre of a society. From this angle, otherness does not lie outside ; representing and dealing with individuals and groups which occupy positions of Others could instead be understood via a specific relation between the centre and the margin. I will try to shed some light on that relation. I will argue from this point of view on the basis of the position that council estate or inner city youths occupy in today s French society, and the way in which they are being dealt with; I will focus particularly on those whose origin is related to immigration but hold French citizenship. They are often referred to as excluded people who live in ghettos ; as it was shown for example by the 2005 riots, their reactions seem to confirm that position of total otherness with regard to French society in general. It is, however, possible to reverse this point of view and argue that these young people are not at all excluded to the extent that they possess in principle major attributes of social belonging, such as political and social citizenship. Their contradictory situation should be interpreted in view of their central position and the ways in which that position is instrumentalised, i.e. both asserted as a promise and denied by discriminatory practices. They are excluded from inside and via the inside, since their otherness is generated on the basis of principles, values and problems that are at the heart of the social structure. It can be hypothesised and opened for discussion that, both via the situation of council estate youths and beyond that situation, their condition exemplifies a broader socio-anthropological dynamics for generating otherness. In this sense, one could draw a parallel with the way in which the figure and the condition of the vagabond were socially dealt with in pre-industrial societies or the status of the proletarian in the early times of industrialisation. Both comparisons would illustrate well this process of constructing a margin from the centre and stigmatising others by applying the dominant social norms. 9 May, 2007

9 Citoyenneté et altérité. La relation de la marge et du centre chez les jeunes de banlieue Je donnerai à discuter une dynamique de production de l altérité consistant à dire que les positions en marge d une société sont construites à partir de son centre. Selon cette perspective, l altérité n est pas «en dehors» du social, mais la représentation et le traitement des individus et des groupes qui occupent une position d altérité doivent se comprendre à partir d une relation spécifique du centre à la marge qu il faut tenter d élucider. Ce point de vue sera argumenté à partir de la position qu occupent aujourd hui dans la société française les «jeunes de banlieue» et du traitement qui leur est réservé, et plus précisément à ceux d entre eux qui sont issus de l immigration mais sont de nationalité française. On dit souvent d eux qu ils sont «des exclus» qu ils occupent «des ghettos» et leurs réactions, illustrées par exemple par des émeutes urbaines comme celles de l automne 2005, paraissent confirmer cette situation d altérité totale par rapport à la société globale. Mais il est possible d inverser ce point de vue. Ces jeunes sont si peu «des exclus» qu ils bénéficient au contraire en principe des attributs majeurs de l appartenance sociale, la citoyenneté politique et la citoyenneté sociale. C est à partir de cette position «centrale» et de la manière dont elle est instrumentalisée, c est-à-dire à la fois affirmée sur le mode de la promesse et déniée à travers des pratiques de discrimination négative, qu il faut interpréter leur situation contradictoire. Si exclus il y a, il s agit d exclus de l intérieur et par l intérieur, c est-à-dire d individus-citoyens dont l altérité est produite à partir des principes, des valeurs et des problèmes qui sont au cœur de la structure sociale. A travers mais aussi au-delà de cette situation des jeunes de banlieue, on voudrait donner à discuter l hypothèse qu elle exemplifie une dynamique socio-anthropologique de production de l altérité de portée générale. Ainsi la figure du vagabond et le traitement social du vagabondage dans les sociétés préindustrielles, ou le statut du prolétaire des débuts de l industrialisation illustreraient également ce processus de construction d une marge à partir du centre et de stigmatisation de l altérité à partir des normes dominantes d une société. 9 mai 2007 p. 9

10 Patrick Cingolani Professor University Paris X-Nanterre, Paris, France Insécurité de l émancipation Le point de vue proposé par la communication voudrait interroger l altérité dans sa relation aux mouvements sociaux. A partir de quelques exemples empruntés au mouvement ouvrier, et notamment à l étude fondatrice de E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, mais aussi en puisant dans des travaux plus récents sur le mouvement des chômeurs et précaires, on voudrait montrer comment l altérité ouvre un espace de construction pour les acteurs collectifs, ouvre un espace à la subjectivation. Que ce soit sous les traites de l utopie ou sous les traits du mélange provoqué par l action collective, ses formes de conversion et de communication, l accès au pour-soi des mouvements suppose une hétérologie. La représentation d un monde autre, d un au-delà du présent, l affirmation de la possibilité de vivre autrement le monde, la constitution d un espace public plébéien où se croisent les divers énoncés critiques pour contester une condition sont autant de contextes socio-historiques où l altérité est à l œuvre. En ce sens, s il y a une insécurité de l altérité et de l altération, l épreuve de la subjectivation politique traverse l expérience de l insécurité et réciproquement l insécurité est un moment du pour-soi des mouvements socio-politiques. Chemin faisant dans la conférence on continuera un dialogue ouvert avec les sociologies de l identité populaire, notamment la sociologie de Pierre Bourdieu, et l on cherchera quelques pistes pour la réflexion dans les travaux de J. Butler et dans la manière dont, sur la base de son analyse du mouvement queer, elle conteste les énoncés de Pierre Bourdieu sur la domination et propose un point de vue original sur la relation entre altérité et subjectivation. Paulo Vaz Associate Professor Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Virtual Victims and Avoidable Suffering: Mediatic Narratives of Crime in Rio de Janeiro This paper has two main objectives. The first is to conceptualize the shift from norm to risk. Its underlying hypothesis is that these two concepts express different ways of conceiving human p. 10

11 agency in the face of suffering. The second objective is to inquire into how media narratives about crime render these different vocabularies regarding human agency commonsensical. I explore two dimensions of the passage from norm to risk from the standpoint of crime narratives, as well as their ethical and political implications. First, I will argue that the concept of risk is linked to the constitution of the audience as virtual victims. In concrete terms, this construction entails the tacit or explicit presence of three narrative fragments: a given type crime could have occurred to; it could occur again (potentially victimizing the reader/viewer); a given crime could have not occurred. The second dimension explores this last fragment, wherein the passage from norm to risk figures as the means for ordering beliefs and social practices regarding crime. My aim is to understand how each of these concepts forwards the idea of avoidable suffering; that is, I explore how the social pervasiveness of each concept is associated to different ways of conceiving the causes of crime and of proposing their future reduction through present actions. The concept of norm explained crime either through the linkages between deviance and danger or through social causation. The concept of risk, in turn, is conceived through its connection to a given decision (Luhmann), thus constituting the forensic vocabulary of contemporary culture (Douglas). In the case of crime, it tends to emphasize the incompetence or excessive lenience of state agents responsible for public security. I explore these two dimensions of media narratives concerning crime the victim and the state by presenting the partial results of two empirical inquiries: one analyzes the historical difference in the crime coverage of newspaper O Globo in the years 1983 and The second empirical corpus I draw upon is the result of a research project on crime coverage in the most watched local television news program in Rio de Janeiro over the course of the year p. 11

12 Jonathan Ong Postgraduate Student London School of Economics and Political Science, United Kingdom Children Watching Children: an Audience Study on How Filipino Kids Perceive Suffering in International News Media It is ironic that though much has been said about the spectacle of suffering, not much talk has actually centred on how images of suffering are received by audiences, much more by child audiences. Recognizing that children today operate as active seekers of information and creative interpreters of global media messages, this study is concerned about how kids perceive "other" kids--kids who may be afflicted by disease, who may have no parents, who may be homeless, who may be caught in the middle of war. Like their adult counterparts, children encounter these images almost exclusively through the prism of news broadcasts. And again, like their parents, we assume that their reactions and responses operate within discursive regimes of us and them, of heroes and villains, of risk and safety--or do they really? How do Filipino children perceive "other" children in the media and how do they talk about them? Through a discourse analysis of children's "talk," these questions are what the project aims to unpack. After all, just as the media is responsible for cultivating a culture of sympathy, we must also find ways by which we can teach ourselves--and our children--to recognize the face of the Other and take responsibility for her. Eero Olli Advisor Centre for Combating Ethnic Discrimination, Oslo, Norway Rooting Insecurity to Ways of Organizing: Empirical Evidence from Immigrant Households in Norway Cultural theory explains to us what is that people need to feel secure, and why they feel insecure. Cultural theory, by Mary Douglas and others, claims that there is a limited number of structurally different five ways of life, that is, fundamentally different ways of organizing social life. Each one of these has its own rules for social life, its own values and norms, its own preferred form of solidarity, its own preferred form of social relations and behavioral patterns that help to sustain these. Being part of a way of life gives us a fundamental form of security: predictability concerning future events and the behavior of our fellow human beings. Evidence p. 12

13 supporting this line of reasoning is presented from my qualitative study of migrant households in Norway demonstrating the strong relationship between a household s way of organizing and its view of society and politics. First source of insecurity is the need to find a shared way to organize social interaction, when we meet a stranger. During the first seconds or minutes, we are probing for sings that allow us to establish common ground for interaction. One source to the fundamental, and so common, insecurity about migrants rises from our inability to quickly read them and place them into the scheme of things. We do not understand what they want, and what they will do next. What are commonly called national cultures like Norwegian culture or Pakistani culture are not ways of life (or ways of organizing) but they consist of shared language, history, art and meaning that allow us to read and understand people unknown to us. The second element creating the fundamental insecurity rises from generalizing our insecurity in the single encounter to insecurity concerning a whole category of people. What does not fit in becomes easily a taboo and represents danger. Moreover, the ways of organizing are in conflict with each other by definition. As systems of ideas, they oppose each other, and define themselves through the opposition to each other. Thus, as long as we are not able to understand our fellow humans, we are bound to create, when we generalize, either otherness as a taboo, or otherness based on the assumption that their way of life is in opposition to our own. Is there hope? Are we trapped into this situation? When we learn to know a migrant well, for example through work, he or she moves from the position of the Other to something known. We seldom fear those we know. Is it possible to create a collective jump to including and understanding the Other? No, because otherness is defined through its impermeability for our social understanding (lack of being able to figure out their way of life). My advice would be to try to improve people s ability to create social interaction. The easier this is the less Otherness is there room for in the collective consciousness. Migrant households that share a way of life have much in common, despite their different countries of origin. p. 13

14 Christian Papilloud Assistant Professor University of Lüneburg, Germany Painful Otherness Often qualified as a typical phenomenon of the yob culture, happy slapping extended progressively from England to continental Europe since the end of The Anglo-Australian term yob means hooligan, qualifying the marked taste of the slappers for the provocation without nuance. Broadcast (e.g. Jackass or Dirty Sanchez on a channel of musical television) was often suspected to be at the origin of the public practice of happy slapping. It has been said to support it, showing in which elements it consists, e.g. in developing absurd behaviors and in inflicting him/herself or others corporal punishments. In practice, happy slapping sometimes goes even further. Certain attacks exceed the simulation of violence or the playful exercise of brutality. As a practice of physical attack, it aims not only to fragilise the person, but also the encounter, the face-to-face situation, the interpersonal relationship. If happy slapping integrates the elements of face-to-face encounter (the meeting with others, the routines regarding the communications with him, etc.), it does it in a manner of extraordinary, privileging transitional and fragmentary forms of expression e.g. destructible ones. Thus, happy slapping is not really premeditated (as it often is in the case of usual urban violence, for example when gangs or militia are fighting the one against the other, when it is a matter of acquiring a real territory or a symbolic one, or when one planes to steal something to someone), nor reactivates (as f.ex. when one confronts a threat). Happy slapping is a furtive act. It has been practiced up to the desire of the slapper, depending partly on the people unwillingly crossing his way. It is technically not very elaborate (even if it could suppose a kind of aesthetics). Happy slapping can then be distinguished from other ritualised forms of violence, which suppose more or less routinized practices whose phases and planning are rather strictly coded. Moreover, the happy slapping resorts to a sociality available by the mean of a specific digital technology of communication, which has also been qualified as a technology of the interpersonal contact (cf Spitzberg, Hooker, 2002: 72): the cell phone. Slappers and nonslappers benefit from this digital sociality, which allows to sustain social practices of initiates, or to attract the wondering crowd expressing sometimes fun or regret about this kind of phenomenon. The relay of the Internet which enables to fetch the various expressions of this sociality, providing the images and the videos that the slappers stored in their cell phone, let look for the border between the violent and non-violent social practices. Is happy slapping a p. 14

15 criminal act? Is it a provocation of teenagers? In our paper, we argue that happy slapping is neither a criminal act, nor an expression of the teenage s blurred boundaries. Far beyond, happy slapping randomly looks for the otherness to give it an attractive shape by the means of fear and pain. Key words: happy slapping, otherness, pain, body, fear. Marina Petronoti Research Fellow National Institute for Social Science Research (EKKE), Athens, Greece Disguising Cultural and Political Insecurities in Multicultural Greece This paper focuses on an apparently paradoxical phenomenon: the co-existence of Greek narratives discriminating immigrants with a rhetoric stressing tolerance of diversity and respect of human rights. As I will show, rather than acknowledging cultural diversity the debate on Greece s multiculturalisation, i.e. its transformation to a society hosting numerous ethnic and cultural groups, is inculcated to update assertions about the unblemished unity of the national culture, distract attention from the rigidities which inhere in state policies and locate the country in ecumenic performances. To account for these discrepancies, I concentrate on two levels of analysis. First, I look at the ways in which the daily press of diverse political orientation demarcates the two rhetorical positions on immigration and second, at the concrete encounters between Greeks and Eritrean refugees in public and domestic environments. As the argument goes, by projecting humanitarian principles and tolerance of ethnic, cultural or religious difference as national virtues, both the Greek polity and Greek nationalists aim to disguise the insecurities generated by the prolonged presence of immigrant groups in the country and the correlated unwillingness to either encompass rigorous changes in social institutions or shift boundaries (social, ideological, symbolic) in everyday transactions with these groups. p. 15

16 Florian Geyer Research Fellow Centre for European Policy Studies, Brussels, Belgium "Parallel Societies" and Integration of Minorities: a Recent Judgment of the Federal Constitutional Court The Federal Constitutional Court of Germany recently had to decide whether the State of Berlin infringed fundamental rights - notably freedom of religion and belief as well as the parents' educational right - by establishing obligatory ethics instruction in public schools. According to the new Berlin law, pupils are not banned from attending religious instruction but must do so in addition to ethics, i.e. children cannot avoid being taught the state's perception of philosophy, enlightment, humanism, basic moral norms, tolerance, dialog, etc even if they consider this contrary to their religious beliefs. A 13-year old Christian child together with her parents challenged this new law. In March 2007, the Court turned the constitutional complaint down and rendered some interesting remarks on integration and the state's competence to prevent the development of parallel societies. The presentation will present and analyse the Court's judgment and its main arguments with a view of stimulating the public discussion. Alexander Neumann Research Fellow University of Rouen, France Fear, Paranoia and the Case of the Authoritarian Personality The findings of the great research project The Authoritarian Personality, which has been conducted by Adorno, were first published in English in 1950, but are only available in French since the beginning of Since 1950, several empirical research studies were inspired by the original method of the authoritarian personality, which tried to analyse the link of social crisis to the public assertion of authoritarian opinions (racism, restriction of civil rights and liberties). Among the contemporary studies, we may quote the ones of Gilbert Klajman, Edward Rickert, Christiane Morgenroth and Emilio Modena. p. 16

17 Concerning the conference theme, it is obvious that social uncertainty and insecurity often leads to a kind of fear of Others (for instance: strangers, young men, other social groups), considered hostile or dangerous. All these studies agree that there is a link between insecurity, fear and the refusal of others. But most of them only describe the phenomena in a statistical way, without looking into the subjective motivation of individual actors. This leads us to examine the original method of the Authoritarian Personality which has been designed by Fromm and Adorno. 1. The authoritarian Personality is not defined by a simple opinion, but by a specific psychological structure, its Character (Freud). The social construction of the psychological Character happens years before the choice of an ideological position. So, the link between the crisis of the social bond and the choice of racist opinions is much more complex that it appears in recent statistical studies about it. 2. The whole project of Adorno has been directly inspired by Fromm and his use of the Freud s Theory. This theoretical construction is brushed away in the latest commentaries (for instance Le Rider, 2007). The reconstruction of this theoretical, fundamental link has to start from the bottom, reminding the Mass psychology of Freud and the innovations of Fromm, specially the conversion of the individual analysis of Symptoms (Freud) into a sociological analysis of Character structures (Fromm) and a sociological Theory of Authority (Horkheimer, Adorno). 3. Given this original sociological Theory, we are able to define fear and even paranoia as a defensive reaction towards social change and social crisis. One of the hypotheses of Adorno was that the acceptance of authoritarian, political solutions depends on the inadequate relation between the dynamic evolution of society and the different, rather slowly evolving Character structures of social Actors. This inadequate relation produces violent conflicts that may be resolved by the accepting an authoritarian solution. But this kind of reaction depends on the social structure of the Character, not only on the social condition of the persons who are concerned. This is the reason why Adorno insisted on the importance of longlasting, qualitative interviews and a theoretical framework based on some of the most interesting ideas of Freud. This framework also considers the Character structures placed on the opposite side, the so called antifascist or liberal Character types: the Protesting Low scorer, the Impulsive Low Scorer or the Genuine Liberal. References Adorno, Theodor W. et allii (1975), Studies in the Authoritarian Personality, Suhrkamp, Francfurt/M. Adorno et allii (1995), Studien zum autoritären Charakter, Suhrkamp, Francfurt/M.Adorno Adorno et allii, (2007), La personnalité autoritaire, Allia, Paris. Freud, Sigmund (1972), Massenpsychologie und Ich-Analyse, Gesammelte Werke, XIII, Fischer, Frankfurt/M. p. 17

18 Freud (1992), Hemmung, Angst und Symptom, Fischer, Francfort/M. Fromm, Erich (1932/1970) La caractérologie psychanalytique et sa signification pour la psychologie sociale, in : La crise de la psychanalyse, Anthropos, Paris. Fromm (1969), Escape from Freedom, Nery Holt and Company, NYC. Fromm (1969) Human nature and social Theory (letter to Mr.Dobrenkov), Cuernavaca, Mexico. Horkheimer/Fromm/Marcuse et allii (2006), Studien zu Autorität und Familie, Dietrich zu Klampen Verlag, Sörge, RFA. Negt, Oskar (2007), L espace public oppositionnel, Payot & Rivages, Paris. Neumann, Alex (2006) Pour une écoute sociologique. Répression, inhibition, prise de parole, in : Variations, revue internationale de théorie critique N.8, Parangon, Lyon. Le Rider, Jacques (2007), L allié incommode, éditions de l Olivier, Paris. Reich, Wilhelm (1932/2003) Massenpsychologie des Faschismus, Kiepenheuer und Witsch, Francfurt/M. Peur, paranoïa, personnalité autoritaire L ouvrage sociologique The authoritarian personality dont les principaux chapitres ont été rédigés par Adorno à la suite de son exil et de son séjour prolongé aux Etats-Unis, a été publié pour la première fois en Plus d un demi-siècle plus tard, le livre vient de paraître en français, sous le titre La personnalité autoritaire. Les politiques sécuritaires actuelles et la présence d un candidat d extrême droite au second tour des élections présidentielles de 2002 ne sont certainement pas étrangers à ce choix éditorial. Dans le sillage de cette publication, plusieurs textes de chercheurs français sont annoncés ou déjà sortis (Jacques Le Rider, Miguel Abensour, Jan Spurk). Cela nous donne l occasion d analyser la construction théorique originale de l enquête au sujet de la personnalité autoritaire, avant de nous interroger sur son actualité. Notre réflexion prolonge ainsi nos publications récentes au sujet de L écoute sociologique. Peur, répression, prise de parole et de notre préface aux écrits d Oskar Negt parus en français sous le titre L espace public oppositionnel. 1.La personnalité autoritaire ne décrit pas une posture politique, mais un type particulier de structuration psychologique qui précède la formation de l opinion idéologique d un individu. Il s agit donc d analyser le caractère individuel, pour reprendre un terme freudien. En français, ce terme apparaît dans l expression familière : Il a un sale caractère. Selon Adorno et les autres auteurs, cette structuration du caractère est bien plus importante que la formation idéologique ultérieure. 2.Toute la recherche empirique de 1951 se fonde sur la théorie freudienne (Adorno, 1995, p.7). Ce choix fondamental date des années 1930, lorsque Wilhelm Reich et Erich Fromm ont rejoint l Institut de recherche en sciences sociales (dit Ecole de Francfort). Aujourd hui, cette filiation est occultée, comme le montre un récent essai de Jacques Le Rider (2007) sur lequel nous reviendrons. Nous allons donc reconstruire l architecture de recherche, qui part de p. 18

19 concepts socio-psychologiques de Freud (psychologie de masse, narcissisme, malaise dans la civilisation) en passant par la théorisation sociologique qu initie Fromm en 1932 (passage de l analyse du symptôme à l analyse caractérielle) et par les études sur l Autorité et la Famille (Horkheimer/Fromm/Marcuse, 2006), pour arriver à la conceptualisation de la personnalité autoritaire. 3.Dans ce cadre réhabilité, nous allons approfondir la compréhension de la peur comme réaction sociale défensive, sa relation avec la soumission à l autorité, le lien entre l attitude narcissique, la paranoïa et l antisémitisme et, enfin, les dispositions ethnocentriques rendant probable l adhésion aux idées fascistes d un certain type d individu. La jonction entre le caractère individuel se réalise ici selon un modèle exposé par Freud dans Analyse du Moi et psychologie de masse, à travers d une identification psychologique (Freud, 1972, p.128). Nous soulignons l appropriation sociologique de cette découverte, au sein de la recherche empirique au sujet de la personnalité autoritaire. Un premier essai avait été fourni par l un des meilleurs textes de Reich, datant de 1932 : Psychologie de masse du fascisme. Il est temps d en finir avec les préjugés d une sociologie qu on dit psychologisante, avec un mépris certain, qui hantent encore certains écrits français. 4.Il sera alors possible de décrire les décalages et contradictions qui sont engendrées par l inadéquation entre, d un côté, un certain type de socialisation, p.ex. incarné par l éthique de métier protestante, et de l autre, des normes sociales véhiculées par le capitalisme mondialisé (la flexibilité, la précarité, la mobilité fonctionnelle). Nous ferons appel aux intuitions que Fromm a exposé dans Escape from Freedom (1969) et que nous confroterons avec nos propres recherches. Selon Adorno et sa Personnalité autoritaire, le passage d un ressentiment latent à l affirmation ouverte d opinions autoritaires est largement lié à la dynamique du changement social. Nous trouverons ici des arguments susceptibles de nourrir l une des hypothèses de travail du WP11 du projet Challenge, selon laquelle les règles concurrentielles du capitalisme postindustriel produisent une incertitude sociale propre à favoriser l adhésion à des réponses sécuritaires. À l inverse, il sera également possible d aborder le potentiel démocratique d autres types de personnalité, attachés aux libertés publiques (p.ex. the Protesting Low scorer, the impulsive Low Scorer, the Genuine Liberal ). p. 19

20 Sid Abdellaoui & Bernard Personnaz Lecturers University of Rouen, France Ideological Racist Act or Isolated Racist Act: A Study of the Impact of Subject Participation in Incitement to Hatred Increasingly one is witnessing a surge in racist inspired acts while at the same time collective awareness grows regarding these phenomena, according to the report of the National Human Rights Advisory Commission (2005). Racism manifests itself under a multitude of elementary forms often concurrent sometimes complementary (for a review cf. Wieviorka, 1991; Sanchez-Refined, 2004). The impact of these racist acts on social life are numerous (fear of strangers, feeling of identity threat, community seclusion, failing social cohesion, ). Often, they contribute, in a direct or circumstancial way, to the expression and to the generation of the feeling of lack of safety (Abdellaoui & Georget, 2004). Socioeconomic laziness and ideological discourse are in this case two main justifications. The following research deals with the impact of racist offence occurrences on teenagers and adults perception depending on whether this action is isolated (that can be understood as an instinctual pulse arose primarily from socioeconomic idleness and a feeling of banishment from society) or ideologically related (that can be understood as an almost enduring ideological undertaking ending up in a reproducing racist conduct). The study equally aimed to assess the weight of religious adherence intended by the offence, as a way to appraise the interviewee and to judge the perpetrator. We were drawing up a first hypothesis according to which anti Moslems and anti Jewish crimes will be otherwise valued than anti Christians misdeeds. Likewise, we were drawing up a second hypothesis stating that high school students will have some judgments appreciably more coherent and more severe with regard to racist offences making no difference between individuals targeted by racist acts. Lastly, we were expecting that offences occurring in ideological circumstances would be more severely judged than those happening in socioeconomic laziness, moreover if the subjects-judge is an adult (hypothesis n 3). The population questioned is made up of high school students on the one hand and people more than 35 years old of all backgrounds. We choose to retain only those people claiming to be close or rather close to the Christian allegiance. The subjects were split in one of the four experimental conditions (anti semite act, anti Moslem act, anti Christian act, anti foreigner act). We then presented the picture of a place of worship marked by a racist graffiti supposed to portray one of the four types of racist acts (Death to the Jews, Death to the p. 20