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1 The Languages of Politics La politique et ses langages Verona, May 2013 Book of Abstracts Livre des résumés

2 Plenary Lectures / Conférences plénières... 4 Paul Bacot... 4 Jonathan Charteris-Black... 5 Paul Danler... 5 Geert Jacobs... 6 Catherine Kerbrat-Orecchioni... 7 Andreas Musolff... 7 Alain Polguère... 8 Tom Van Hout... 8 Parallel Sessions / Sessions parallèles Mathilde Anquetil Paola Baseotto Brigitte Battel Paola Cattani Marta Degani Chiara Degano Paolo Donadio Paolo Frassi Giuliana Garzone Federico Gaspari Maria Cristina Gatti Anna Giaufret Cinzia Giglioni Kim S. Grego Patricia Kottelat Emile L Hôte Maria Ivana Lorenzetti

3 Elisa Mattiello Chiara Nasti Douglas Ponton Chiara Rolli Laura Santone Dorota Sikora Stefania Spina Cinzia Spinzi Marco Venuti Giovanni Tallarico Corina Veleanu Anna Zanfei

4 Plenary Lectures Conférences plénières Paul Bacot Université de Lyon, Institut d Etudes Politiques de Lyon, UMR Triangle (CNRS, ENS- Lyon) Mots de la politique et mots de la science politique Non seulement la politique n a pas suscité l émergence d un vocabulaire spécifique, à la différence d autres secteurs d activités, mais la science politique elle-même ne s est pas montrée plus productive, se contentant le plus souvent de puiser dans la langue des acteurs qui peuplent son terrain d investigation (notamment politiciens et journalistes), dans celle des citoyens ordinaires, ou encore dans celle des chercheurs d autres disciplines. Contrairement au modèle canonique du langage scientifique, marqué par l usage d une terminologie propre, la science politique se condamne à recourir à un lexique porteur de polysémies, de métaphores et de connotations. De surcroît, il lui arrive, dans un pays et une langue donnés, d emprunter à un lexique étranger, notamment anglais dans le cas de la science politique française, ce qui rend encore plus difficile la maîtrise sémantique d un discours qui se veut pourtant rigoureux. Nous prendrons quelques exemples de mots utilisés par les politistes francophones et pointerons quelques difficultés liées à leur utilisation dans un propos censé échapper tant à une pluralité d interprétations qu à toute appréciation subjective. Dans le domaine des études électorales, nous étudierons le cas des mots volatilité et volatil dans les expressions volatilité électorale, électeur volatil et électorat volatil, ainsi que les mots parachutage et parachuté dans les expression parachutage électoral et candidat parachuté. Dans le domaine de la sociologie des partis politiques, nous nous intéresserons au mot cartel dans l expression parti-cartel. Mais on pourrait bien sûr s intéresser aussi à la reprise omniprésente de la métaphore spatiale mobilisant les mots droite et gauche, centre et extrême. Et que dire de ces mots que l on retrouve dans les noms propres d organisations ou les étiquettes électorales, en même temps que dans les vocabulaires des politiciens, des journalistes et des politistes? Nous pensons par exemple à indépendant, apolitique, modéré, écologiste, social-démocrate ou libéral et à bien d autres encore. 4

5 Jonathan Charteris-Black University of the West of England David Cameron: A study of political style In this paper I demonstrate how a method known as comparative keyword analysis can be used to analyse and describe political style and illustrate this with reference to the current British Prime Minister - David Cameron. This perspective on style goes back to classical rhetoric where style was interpreted as primarily a question of lexical choice. But the method is a very contemporary one as it is based in corpus linguistics. I use Wordsmith Tools software to compare the lexical choices of an individual politician David Cameron in a large sample of his speeches with a reference corpus of British politicians speeches. Comparative keyword analysis is a method for the conjoint quantitative and qualitative analysis of large amounts of text that is adapted here for research into the language of politicians; it could be used to investigate the style of any politician on whom data is available. I describe some of linguistic features revealed by keyword analysis such as Cameron s use of modality, of intensifiers and size adjectives such as big. I then relate these features to broader rhetorical purposes such as establishing consensus, conveying emotionality and appealing to morality. This leads me to argue that while he often conveys a feminine style that is in keeping with contemporary social values, he compensates for apparent weaknesses that may arise from this style by the use of big talk as in metaphorical expressions such as the Big Society and the Broken Society. Such rhetorical blending is characteristic of modern democratic political leaders who have to address complex multi-layered audiences. Paul Danler University of Innsbruck Demystifying The Importance of Seeming Earnest: Political Discourse Analysis at the crossroads of syntax, semantics and argumentation Oscar Wilde teaches us that being earnest inspires absolute confidence. Smart looks, a fancy car and important friends in the high society are good premises for being considered an earnest person. This was true then and this is true today. One more thing that greatly helps is proper talk, as Professor Higgins made clear in his days but which is probably just another of those timeless values. The complex and confusing world of Oscar Wilde s Hertfordshire is probably no more complex or confusing than any politician s world. What is it then that a politician has to do in order to be appreciated as a serious or earnest person? How does he or she achieve seriousness or earnestness, or at least seeming seriousness or seeming earnestness? Obviously the way he or she talks is a crucial issue. A whole mystery world is often built up discursively in political speeches. A great number of things are spoken about explicitly, others, however, are skilfully hidden or apparently just happen not to be mentioned. Demystifying The Importance of Seeming Earnest consequently means to carefully look at what is said and to equally carefully look at what is not said and of course, it also means to look at how things are said. 5

6 Political discourse as any other discourse is a highly complex linguistic phenomenon. Any single linguistic aspect is worth analysing in detail. However, what we aim to do in this paper is to point at the complexity of political discourse by shedding some light at least at three important dimensions which interact in political discourse and which are semantics, morpho-syntax and argumentation. Obviously we can only deal with very few aspects of the wide range of these domains which, however, will help demystify The Importance of Seeming Earnest in political discourse. In the lexical-semantic field we will briefly deal with what is probably considered the classical or even prototypical issue in the analysis of political discourse, namely the analysis of lexical forms. We will have a look at the role of catchwords and key symbols, at miranda and anti-miranda, at flag words and at stigma words. The other issue to be at least touched upon in this field is the role of metaphor in political discourse, a topic which has been discussed in countless essays and books. The second and much less common issue in political discourse analysis is the morpho-syntactic aspect. On the basis of valence theory, case grammar and functional grammar we will show that morpho-syntax also plays an important role in the transmission of political messages. The third and last part of our overview is the huge field of argumentation, where we can again only choose one aspect which according to the topic of The Importance of Seeming Earnest will be the construction of ethos, where the politician builds up his or her personality which is an indispensable premise for convincing argumentation. Many more fields would have to be taken into account if the analysis were to be complete which, however, is neither possible in a short analysis, nor our goal here. All we want to show is that political discourse has to be looked at from different points of view and that every single point of view opens new perspectives and thereby considerably enriches the field of political discourse analysis. Geert Jacobs University of Ghent Subtitling Herman Van Rompuy: fieldnotes on the borderline between politics and news media Following recent calls on media discourse scholars to explore the dark hearts of journalism and look at how the news production process impacts on news products (cf. NT&T 2012), this talk presents a single case study based on fieldwork conducted at the TV newsroom of Belgium s French-language public broadcasting corporation in Brussels. I follow one of the station s star journalists as he sets out to subtitle one of then Belgian Prime Minister Herman Van Rompuy s short speeches in parliament. In line with previous work on issues of identity display and reactivity in direct observation studies, our linguistic ethnographic analysis shows how the journalist s performance is heavily oriented to the presence of the researcher. At the same time, I demonstrate how the journalist uses subtitling as a way of balancing his sources. The story sheds light on the added value of going behind the scenes of the news as well as pointing to the delicate interplay between newsmaking routines and parliamentary tactics. 6

7 Catherine Kerbrat-Orecchioni Université Lumière Lyon 2, Laboratoire ICAR Les débats présidentiels comme lieu de confrontation d'ethos: une approche interactionnelle du discours politique Le discours politique peut se réaliser sous des formes et s incarner dans des genres extrêmement divers. Nous nous intéresserons ici à une genre bien particulier, remarquable à la fois par son caractère exceptionnel et son fort degré de ritualisation: les débats télévisés de l entre-deux-tours des présidentielles françaises (six à ce jour, de 1974 à 2012), au cours desquels s affrontent les deux finalistes du premier tour. Pour chacun des candidats l enjeu est de tenter de montrer aux futurs électeurs qu il a toutes les qualités requises pour faire un bon président de la République en d autres termes, il se doit d afficher dans l interaction un éthos présidentiable. C est donc sur cette notion d éthos que sera centré l exposé, où l on essaiera de voir : dans une perspective sémiotique: quelles sont les composantes principales d un tel éthos («signifiés éthiques») et quels peuvent être les différents marqueurs et indices correspondants («signifiants éthiques»); dans une perspective interactionnelle: étant donné que chaque débatteur doit prouver non seulement qu il est un bon candidat mais qu il est le meilleur prétendant au titre en jeu, comment il procède pour construire à la fois une image favorable de luimême (éthos revendiqué) et une image défavorable de son adversaire (éthos attribué). Envisagés sous cet angle, ces débats peuvent être décrits comme une succession de «négociations» (qui dans ce contexte ne peuvent évidemment pas déboucher sur un accord) des images que les candidats s attribuent mutuellement, comme on le verra à partir de l analyse détaillée de certaines séquences du corpus. Andreas Musolff University of East Anglia What can metaphor theory contribute to the study of political language? The application of cognitively oriented metaphor analysis to the critical study of public discourse has generated a wealth of publications over the past decades. This paper attempts to take stock of some of these developments and reflect on their contribution to methodological and theoretical advances in metaphor research. In particular, it queries the relationship of theoretical claims and empirical findings with regard to variation in metaphor use and its significance for semantic change. As an illustrative example I will present data on the differential metaphorisation of the state as a body, which challenge some conceptualist assumptions about the development of metaphors. In conclusion, an alternative model of an integrated cognitive/discoursehistorical approach to the study of metaphor will be proposed. 7

8 Alain Polguère Université de Lorraine & ATILF-CNRS Nancy La parole qui marche au pas: observations sur la nature linguistique des «éléments de langage» Le dimanche 22 avril 2012, entre les deux tours de l élection présidentielle française, la secrétaire d État à la Famille d alors, ou l un de ses adjoints, égarait sur le trottoir parisien un document contenant des éléments de langage, clairement identifiés comme tels, qu elle devait utiliser le lendemain lors d une cérémonie d accueil du président de la République à Tours. Le journaliste du site d information Rue89 qui mit la main ou, plus précisément, qui mit littéralement le pied sur ce document s empressa de le publier et de le commenter. Il s agissait alors de montrer ce à quoi pouvaient bien ressembler ces fameux éléments de langage dont on parlait tant et qui avaient envahi le quotidien politique et médiatique français. La notion d éléments de langage présente de l intérêt sur plusieurs plans: politique, social, médiatique, etc. Cependant, c est la réalité linguistique même des éléments de langage qui retiendra notre attention : nous chercherons à répondre à la question de savoir ce que sont les éléments de langage dans leur réalité formelle. N étant pas un discours à proprement parler, ils semblent posséder un statut intermédiaire entre celui de texte préfabriqué et celui de simple collection d éléments linguistiques plus ou moins lexicalisés. Alors que le discours possède un statut neutre, les éléments de langage sont perçus comme une «malhonnêteté» du locuteur qui les emploie. Nous tenterons de voir si cette appréhension négative des éléments de langage est en lien avec leur statut linguistique, en nous focalisant sur leur lexicalité et sur la présence naturelle dans la plupart des situations courantes de communication linguistique d expressions phraséologiques du type clichés linguistiques, dont le rôle et le fonctionnement ne sont pas sans rappeler ceux des éléments de langage. Tom Van Hout University of Antwerp & Leiden University Whither the view from nowhere? Emotionality as a strategic ritual of expertise in journalism Journalism studies is built on assumptions about continuity and change. One of these assumptions holds that in today s fragmented, networked and highly competitive news ecology, engaging the audience has become a matter of making the news more informal, conversational and personal. While the rise of celebrity and lifestyle news, hesaid-she-said reporting and PR journalism have led some researchers to lament the state of the field, others are rethinking its theoretical foundations. For instance, Wahl- Jorgensen (2013) argues that alongside journalism s strategic ritual of objectivity (Tuchman 1972), it is possible to discern another form of cultural capital that journalists valorize, albeit implicitly: a strategic ritual of emotionality. This ritual manifests itself in highly regimented yet widespread professional practices, such as the outsourcing of emotional expressions to outside voices, the use of anecdotal leads and personalized narratives. Building on recent work on journalistic stance (Jullian 2011, Van Hout, Pounds and Vertommen 2012), I draw on case studies of business news writing (Van Hout, Pander 8

9 Maat and De Preter 2011) to examine how the strategic ritual of emotionality is manifested in what I call voiceplay : episodes of textual mediation that revolve around the inscription of journalistic stance. Specifically, I show how voiceplay allows journalists to accomplish an objective, neutral news style while at the same time cultivating an emotional connection between news text and (imagined) audience. In conclusion, I argue that voiceplay is an index of professional expertise and consider avenues for further research and training. 9

10 Parallel Sessions Sessions parallèles Mathilde Anquetil Università di Macerata «Le Spread est un imbroglio»: manipulations discursives autour du mot spread dans le discours politique en Italie et en France, reflets croisés dans la presse. Le 11 décembre 2012 Berlusconi, 3 jours après son retour sur la scène politique italienne, déclarait sur Canale 5 «Lo spread è un imbroglio[...] Prima non ne avevamo mai sentito parlare, se ne parla solo da un anno, cosa ce ne importa?». La déclaration de Berlusconi est alors reprise par l AFP sous la formulation «Le spread est un imbroglio», l italianisme d effet trahissant le sens original tout en évoquant effectivement une affaire complexe. Le correspondant du Monde signe alors un article intitulé «Monti et Berlusconi, ces obsédés du spread». S interrogeant sur l imperturbabilité du spread franco-allemand malgré le déclassement de la France par l agence Moody s, La Stampa titrait en novembre 2012 sur cette hypothèse : «Lo spread della Grandeur salva Hollande». Notre intervention portera sur une analyse comparée de l usage social du mot spread dans les discours politiques repris et glosés dans la presse italienne et française dans des attitudes opposées vis-à-vis de l emprunt anglais d origine technocratique. L opposition dans le traitement médiatique de l objet, en particulier dans la mise en scène de son usage chez l autre, cousin transalpin/cisalpin, fait que l on frôle l incident diplomatique entre les deux pays mais cela trahit surtout dans les deux camps le désarroi des hommes politiques par rapport à un indicatif dicté par une instance externe conditionnant leur potentiel d action. Comment inclure ou rejeter l indicateur dans l espace public pour restaurer une quelconque crédibilité à son discours politique, alors que l objet en restreint considérablement la légitimité en se présentant comme instance majeure contraignant le pouvoir de décision du politique? Notre intervention se propose comme apport d une certaine linguistique d intervention dans les dynamiques sociales, l observation du linguiste étant au service de la mise à plat des enjeux des discours pour les remettre à disposition d un débat politique débarrassé de représentations obsolètes et mystifiantes. Dans notre cas il en va des conditions d un agir communicatif plus pragmatique dans les relations politiques franco-italiennes face au pouvoir des marchés. Paola Baseotto Università dell Insubria Spenser, Machiavelli and the Language of a New Statecraft The development of English political language is marked by a process of contact, reception and adaptation of vocabulary, rhetorical figures and concepts from works 10

11 compiled within dissimilar cultural, philosophical, political and linguistic contexts. My analysis centres on a turning point in the history of the theoretical and linguistic formation of English politics, the last years of Queen Elizabeth s reign, and identifies a crucial cultural acquisition as it discusses Edmund Spenser s Anglicization of Machiavelli. In the second half of the sixteenth century Elizabeth I and her entourage concentrated their efforts on the theory and practice of new political strategies which proved more and more influential with England s progressive gaining of visibility as an international and imperial power. The process of assimilation and naturalization of political models and language from Italian and French thinkers like Guicciardini and Bodin has left important traces in English State Papers and treatises. Arguably, Machiavelli s writings played the greatest part in the Elizabethan formulation of a new statecraft with its own distinctive language. My paper focuses on a very influential tract, A View of the Present State of Ireland, with a key role in the introduction in England of Machiavelli s political, lexical and rhetorical discourses. Written in 1596 and widely circulated at court and in governmental circles, this treatise is the crowning achievement of Edmund Spenser s twenty-year experience in Ireland as Secretary of Lord Grey of Wilton, Queen Elizabeth s Lord Deputy. Brigitte Battel Università di Cassino Visions politiques de l euro dans le discours médiatique Même s il fait habituellement l objet de débats économiques ou s inscrit au coeur de la politique économique, l euro dépasse largement ces limites et s implique dans l organisation de nos sociétés. Déjà, lors de son introduction, la déclaration de Jacques Santer (Varese, 22 octobre 1998 près l Unione degli Industriali della Provincia di Varese) soulignait cet ancrage de l euro dans l action politique. Cet aspect s est nettement amplifié et l euro est devenu un catalyseur de crise dans les politiques nationales européennes. C est cette fonction et ses multiples métamorphoses que nous entendons examiner dans la presse française et italienne (journaux de tendances politiques diverses) depuis la crise immobilière américaine (2008) jusqu à nos jours (année 2012 et/ou date butoir février 2013). L analyse des stratégies discursives, la mise en évidence de différentes voix et de différents niveaux énonciatifs, les processus de métaphorisation devraient dessiner les contours de nouvelles visions politiques: communautarisation des politiques? éclatement de la collectivité? Autres scenari?... Par cette approche argumentative, nous rejoignons un champ d études assez récent et qui nous semble intéressant, celui de la gouvernementalité (Angermüller, 2010). 11

12 Paola Cattani Università di Milano Les notions à l épreuve du discours : la formule "esprit européen" dans les actes du colloque "L Avenir de l esprit européen" organisé par la Société des Nations en 1933 Après le désastre de la Première Guerre mondiale, maints politiciens et hommes de lettres européens s investissent dans la construction d une Europe unie, en jetant les bases de l Europe institutionnelle d aujourd hui, ainsi qu en animant un débat qui demeure d actualité sur les origines et les fondements de l Europe. Ce vaste mouvement pro-européen prend forme non seulement au sein des cercles intellectuelles et politiques, mais il reçoit aussi une impulsion cruciale par l initiative et les efforts de la Société des Nations, organisation internationale qui voit le jour en Dans le cadre de ce débat, une notion en particulier s affirme et circule dans le débat public: celle d «esprit européen», qui mérite d être étudiée de près en tant que formule linguistique à travers laquelle prennent forme de fait les représentations du monde européen, et qui acquit des significations multiples et parfois opposées. Nous nous proposons d analyser les sens, les emplois et les transformations de cette formule, ainsi que les problématiques qui lui sont liées, à travers l examen du corpus restreint constitué par les interventions que les politiciens et hommes de lettres donnent à un colloque international organisé par la SDN à Paris en octobre 1933, et qui est consacré précisément à l «Avenir de l esprit européen». Du point de vue méthodologique, nous essaierons d explorer les sens de cette formule en examinant les usages qui en sont faits dans le discours : nous tenterons ainsi de proposer une approche qui entremêle la lexicologie politique et l analyse du discours, à partir des suggestions offertes par les travaux notamment d Alice Krieg-Planque sur la «formule linguistique», et de Georges Vignaux sur la relation entre argumentation et définition des notions. Marta Degani Università di Verona The strength to be nurturers: Obama s framing of political issues In Moral Politics (2002) Lakoff proposes two idealized cognitive models, which he claims underlie American right-wing versus left-wing political rhetoric. According to the linguist, these cognitive models reflect two opposing worldviews, each of them relying on a different notion of morality. One is described as the Strict Father (SF) model and is associated with the Republicans. This model draws on a traditional type of family with a hierarchical power structure. The father, i.e. the president, is the main authoritative figure, the one who knows and makes decisions for other family members, i.e. the citizens. The other worldview, which is closer to Democratic values, is expressed in the Nurturant Parent (NP) model. This suggests an understanding of family as based on horizontal power relations where family members work together as a group to reach common goals. Here, governance is achieved by common involvement and not by imposition of authority. Not surprisingly, especially if one considers the potential heuristic power of Lakoff s theory, his morality models have inspired empirical investigations (Cienki 2004, 2005; Ahrens and Lee 2009; Ahrens 2011). In detail, Cienki (2004, 2005) bases his work on the general assumption that specific moral metaphors should be searched for in order 12

13 to prove a politician s NP or SF ideological leaning. Accordingly, in his analyses of political language use, Cienki relies on two lists of metaphors that Lakoff (2002) provides. Ahrens and Lee (2009) adopt corpus-based methodology to investigate the use of lexemes associated to the SF and NP models in American senatorial language. In a later study, Ahrens (2011) identifies sets of lexemes that she attributes to either SF or NP morality, working on the general hypothesis that patterns of lexical usage found in well-defined corpora can reflect underlying cognitive models (168). The present study proposes to take a different approach to the analysis of political discourse that is based on the application of Lakoff s SF and NP morality models. In line with ideas that Lakoff has made more explicit in Don t Think of an Elephant (2004) and in recent interviews, the research presented here is guided primarily by the identification of values that may fit either a SF or a NP moral/political view. This methodological shift is revealing both in terms of supposed metaphoricity that is expected to associate specifically with either the one or the other of the two models, and in terms of lexical choices that are supposed to represent a particular model. The corpus used for the analysis consists of 30 election campaign speeches of Obama s first run for the American presidency in Chiara Degano Università di Milano Electoral posters second life: intertextuality in the 2010 UK electoral campaign, from billboards to Web spoofs Research on electoral campaigns communication in Anglo-Saxon contexts has traditionally centred on US politics, and especially on TV advertising and TV debates, which for the past 50 years have taken the lion-share of both audience and scholarly attention, with relatively little research devoted to printed media (cf. for example Seidman 2008 on the use of posters in US political campaigns, Jamieson 1996 on printed advertising formats in early US campaigns). In other countries, however, posters have retained a more central position within the genre repertoire of election campaigns, due to restrictions on TV political advertising. This is the case in the UK, where political parties are banned from advertising on television and radio, and their access to TV news slots is strictly regulated. Furthermore, posters are a form of political discourse where different semiotic codes interact to produce a message that is rhetorically complex, often relying on the implicit and therefore, impinging heavily on pragmatic aspects of language use, which makes them an intriguing object of investigation for a discourse analysts. This paper focuses on the posters produced during the past UK general elections (2010), in which this traditional form of electoral discourse stood for the first time sideby-side with TV prime ministerial debates, a major breakthrough for the UK, which catalyzed great media attention. In spite of such an important competitor, posters did not seem to suffer from a crisis of popularity, and even became the protagonists of a parallel form of discourse that thrived on the web, i.e. spoofs. In this way a closely-knit nexus of intertextual relations (de Beaugrande Dressler 1981, Fairclough 1992) was established among different genres of the electoral campaign, which I intend to study relying on a composite analytic frame, which combines traditional linguistic notions such as standards of textuality, with more recent approaches, like research on 13

14 multimodality (Kress/van Leeuwen 2006), and on visual argumentation (Groarke 2002, Kjeldsen 2007). Paolo Donadio Università di Napoli Federico II New Labour legacy: language and ideology in the UK during economic recession Since Blair s election as party leader in 1994, New Labour approach to politics has dramatically altered the positioning of the major left wing party in the United Kingdom. The restructuring of party s means and ends, and, as a result, the rejection of old Labour keywords such as socialist, public, ownership, workers - epitomized by the rewriting of the Clause IV in paved the way to new forms of political communication (Fairclough 2000). Since then, the Labour party has definitely moved towards the centre of the political battleground. Grounded in a CDA and constructionist perspective, the relation between language, power and ideology will be interdisciplinarily explored by looking at Labour party after Blair s leaving and in the aftermath of a crushing electoral defeat (2010), interrupting Labour s political hegemony. Labour s new leader Ed Miliband is striving to refound the party on different representations of Labourism and its electorate. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate, through Miliband s main public speeches, especially his speeches to Labour party conferences (Manchester 2010; Liverpool 2011; Manchester 2012), that New Labour s anti-ideological discourse practices have not been overturned in favour of a socialist restoration and are, instead, still shaping today s Labour policies and communication. Ed Miliband seems to be quite far from being the red leader that some groups within the party expected or hoped for. Facing a harsh economic crisis, Miliband s portrayals of his own leadership and Labour voters are construed around a past present dichotomy that, as it was for Blair s New Labour, tries to re-create a privileged bond between politics and society. Miliband s perspective is, however, opposite to New Labour s vision, since it emphasizes the local/national reaction to the disrupting forces of unregulated and global financial powers. This paper will investigate the discoursal strategies deployed by Miliband to counteract Blair s rhetoric of globalization and reconstrue Labour s political offer under different social and economic conditions. Paolo Frassi Università di Verona La lexicologie via la politique : la revue «Mots» En France, la génération qui, à partir des années 50, prépare le terrain pour la naissance de la lexicologie en tant que discipline à part entière s est formée dans le cadre traditionnel des grands linguistes-philologues de la première moitié du siècle : B. Quemada, A.-J. Greimas, G. Matoré, pour n en citer que quelques-uns, sont les élèves de C. Bruneau, dialectologue, disciple et successeur de F. Brunot. Ce cadre traditionnel représente l une des facettes de cette époque de transition (Pruvost 2000 : ), dans laquelle nous retrouvons, aux côtés de C. Bruneau, M. Roques, A. Dauzat et R.-L. Wagner : tout en maintenant vif leur intérêt pour l histoire et 14

15 l évolution de la langue, ils franchissent le pas de la synchronie avec les premières systématisations des études sur les phénomènes de vocabulaire. Plus particulièrement, R.-L. Wagner va bientôt constituer un pont entre l approche traditionnelle du lexique (approche historique, philologique ou dialectologique) et la nouvelle approche qui se manifeste entre la fin des années 50 et la fin des années 70: vingt ans de ferveur durant lesquelles le structuralisme s impose, d abord, comme méthode partagée dans la plupart des disciplines des sciences humaines, avec la linguistique qui se voit octroyer le statut de science pilote et se transforme, ensuite, en abandonnant son rigide immanentisme et en s ouvrant, par sujet interposé, au discours. C est dans cette période d ouverture de la langue à la société que voit le jour la revue Mots, lancée en 1980 par le Laboratoire de léxicométrie et textes politiques de l Ecole Normale Supérieure de Saint-Cloud. On ne saurait, pour autant, comprendre l esprit de cette revue sans passer par le tourbillon des années 60 et 70, qui jettent les bases non seulement de la création de la revue mais également de la typologie de recherches dont s occupe de laboratoire de Saint-Cloud. Ainsi, après avoir présenté R.-L. Wagner, père fondateur du Laboratoire de Saint- Cloud, et après avoir encadré la naissance du Laboratoire de léxicometrie et textes politiques dans la ferveur du courant lexicologique et, plus généralement, des débats linguistiques de l époque, nous nous concentrerons sur le foisonnement des revues qui ont proliféré dans le domaine de la linguistique, pour essayer d y situer la naissance de Mots et esquisser, par la suite, les grandes lignes de son évolution. Giuliana Garzone Università di Milano Modal verbs and speech acts in U.S. Presidents Inaugural Addresses: a corpusbased analysis In the diversified landscape of political speeches, US Inaugural Addresses are a case apart, not being aimed to conquer electoral support, but rather to reassure Americans that the President is the President of the whole country (e.g. Trosborg 2000: 136) and outline plans for the new Presidency. Thus it has been argued (e.g. Hart 1984; Campbell/Jamieson 1986; Gronbeck 1986) that its function is essentially symbolic, aimed at the restoration of ideological normality after the bitter fight of the election campaign (WAUDAG 1990: 189). Hence the presence of a rich axiological component (Hall 1952, 1961), with strong emphasis on values traditionally associated with American identity (e.g. Campbell/Kean 1999: 25), and thus on ethos, more than on emotion and on reasoning. The function of the inaugural address as the starting point of a new presidency involves a forwardlooking attitude, accompanied by strong volitional as well as deontic and in particular commissive statements. All these aspects suggest that an analysis of the use of modality in this discourse genre can be especially interesting, above all if investigated with a view to speech act realization. In this paper such analysis is carried out for the purpose of identifying patterns of modal verb use as a function of ideological stances and historical circumstances, also describing diachronic changes over the last 200 years. Special attention will be given to 15

16 the use of shall, an especially problematic modal as its meaning has often been an object of debate (especially in the legal field, cf. e.g. Garner 1998: 940) on account of its complexity, and its frequency has dropped sharply in recent decades. The study presented in this paper, based on a corpus comprising the texts of all U.S. Presidents Inaugurals (totalling 136,605 tokens) makes recourse to automatic interrogation routines (cf. Scott 2010), and relies on a framework based on Critical Discourse Analysis, at the same time drawing on literature on modality and on speech acts (e.g. Austin 1975; Searle 1969; Palmer 1988, 1990; Coates 1983), as well as on literature on political discourse, and in particular on studies focusing specifically on inaugurals. Federico Gaspari Università di Bologna (Forlì) / Università di Macerata The languages of maiden speeches in the British Parliament: first-time speakers at the House of Commons vs. the House of Lords Parliamentary discourse has been investigated from multiple perspectives recently: analysing the language of European Parliament debates (e.g. Cucchi, 2009), comparing parliamentary talk across national assemblies (see Bayley, 2004; Ilie, 2007), or focusing on prime minister s question time sessions (Harris, 2001; Santos López, 2010). Chamber debates in different languages have been examined for instance by Wodak and van Dijk (2000), Chilton (2004:92ff), Atanga (2010), Ilie (2010) and Vukocić (2012), with Bayley (1999) and Elspaß (2002) in particular looking at the lexical and phraseological features of British and West German parliamentary proceedings, respectively. Given their linguistic and political interest, it is therefore surprising that no studies have been specifically devoted to maiden speeches, with which new members of the British Parliament address the House for the first time. These brief inaugural speeches tend to be carefully prepared, sometimes including quotations or personal anecdotes, and are occasionally delivered in a humorous and self-deprecating tone. It is customary that maiden speeches avoid controversial topics and are heard without interruption, receiving appreciative comments from the following parliamentary colleague who intervenes in the same debate. In the Commons, in particular, new MPs typically pay tribute to their predecessor in the seat, regardless of party affiliation, and extol the virtues of the constituency that they have been elected to represent. This paper analyses some of the main lexical and phraseological features of maiden speeches delivered at Westminster between 1983 and 2011, utilising a corpus of 872 first-time interventions in the House of Commons (over 1.23 million tokens) and 104 debut speeches in the House of Lords (128,000 tokens). The investigation compares the maiden speeches of the newly-appointed members of the two Houses focusing on keywords (including their collocational patterns) and high-frequency lexical bundles, also discussing the differences due to the maiden speaker s gender and party affiliation. 16

17 Maria Cristina Gatti Università di Verona Right, Left or 5 Stars? Reporting the Italian trilemma This presentation investigates 'specialised' aspects of source domains and their argumentative use in relation with metaphorical mappings deployed for conceptualizing political entities and power relations in political discourse. Specifically, it analyses the metaphor clusters that characterised the discourse about the results of the Italian elections in February 2013, and the related scenarios. The examples have been drawn from a bilingual corpus consisting of ca. 300 full articles, alongside blogs and other forms of commentators' online reports placed on the Financial Times and the Sole 24Ore webpages. A close reading of each document has enabled the identification of the main semantic fields that are exploited in the representation of the political impasse from both international and domestic perspectives. Moreover, shedding light on the underlying scenarios has helped the understanding of evaluative and attitudinal differences between the two discourse communities. Anna Giaufret Università di Genova Le courriel d'information entre stratégies lexicales et discursives: l'exemple de Médiapart (France) et de Micromega (Italie) Notre contribution consiste en une analyse comparée de la lettre d information de Médiapart (FR) et de Micromega (IT). Notre approche se situera à la frontière entre analyse quantitative (qui s appuiera sur des outils informatiques) et analyse qualitative (qui tentera d établir en diachronie les modifications qui affectent les réseaux lexicaux). Notre corpus sera constitué des lettres d informations de ces deux publications de tendance politique comparable, reçues entre le 20/12/2012 et le 20/03/2012. Le but de l analyse est multiple : il s agira d abord de vérifier, sur un corpus restreint, les possibilités des deux types d analyse et leur synergies. Ensuite d effectuer une comparaison entre deux manifestations de ce type de communication médiatique qui véhiculent un message politiquement très orienté et qui possèdent des spécificités génériques. Sur un troisième niveau, la comparaison s effectuera d un point de vue interculturel entre le contexte français et le contexte italien. Cinzia Giglioni Università di Milano Lexical and rhetorical traits of apologetic strategies in Congressional Hearings. A Case Study. This paper investigates apologetic strategies in congressional hearings (full texts easily downloadable from US Department of State website) and is part of broader project on apologetic discourse. 17

18 Previous findings on presence and articulation of apologetic discourse in corporate communication (Giglioni 2010, 2011) correlated context (economic and financial crisis) with text (annual company reports) thus engaging in what V.J. Bhatia (2004) and other scholars defined as critical discourse analysis. The same methodological perspective has been assumed for this paper. A strong relationship between problematic contexts and discursive outcomes is expected also in a different field of investigation, i.e. political language. More specifically, the case study presented is Hillary Rodham Clinton s congressional hearing on 23 January The then US Secretary of State gave testimony about the Sept. 11 attack on a U.S. diplomatic outpost in Benghazi, Libya, in an appearance before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Ware and Linkugel s (1973) definitions of the four strategies of apologetic discourse - transcendence, differentiation, denial, bolstering - laid the foundations for this as well for previous work. Among the findings of previous study was the identification of recurrent lexical and syntactic markers of apologetic strategies. These markers are supposed to be found also in political language as it the intention of the author to demonstrate in the second part of this paper. Kim S. Grego Università di Milano The Discourse of Conflict in Northern Ireland: From the IRA to Globalisation This paper addresses the discourse of conflict (cfr. Nye 2000, Eadie & Nelson 2000, Gotti et al.2002) in a region that has historically been the cradle and the objective of harsh local conflict, with national and international repercussions at the level of media communication as relevant as those at the political level. The conflict between Unionists and Republicans, Catholic and Protestants in Northern Ireland (NI) has been raging for centuries, reaching its most recent peak with the socalled Troubles in the 1970s. Today, after almost four decades of physical violence, the fight seems to have finally moved from paramilitary action onto political debate a war of words has slowly yet definitively replaced real war. Meanwhile, the 2001 attacks to the US have changed the very notion of terrorism worldwide, and the effects of the globalising trends emerged after the fall of the BerlinWall and boomed in the 1990s and 2000s are still currently shaping th e politics, the economy and the societies of nations worldwide. The Northern Ireland of the Troubles and IRA terrorism is not the same Northern Ireland of today; the conflict it hosts which has thoroughly been researched from many perspectives (cfr. O Maolain 1989, Miller 1994, Moloney 2002, Ryan 2003) has also been widely and deeply changed. This study intends to present an up-to-date, historical view of the discourse of rival NI politicians as it is expressed in their own words and in the media. In particular, it aims at observing the development of the discourse of conflict from a diachronic perspective, by examining texts by and about politicians present on the Northern Irish scene for or in the past forty years. The issue will be approached from the perspectives of Critical Discourse Analysis (Fairclough 1995, 2001, 2003, 2006) and Critical Genre Analysis (Bhatia 2004), specifically concentrating on two aspects: the relationship between language and politics and the reciprocal influence one has over the other, and the relationship between the discourse of conflict and that of politics. This study stems from and expands previous research on the subject (Grego 2005, Grego 2010), which employed Corpus Linguistic software (Scott 2004) for the computer-aided analysis of 18

19 corpora of political texts; any quantity-based analysis, though, will only serve here as the foundation for quality-based analysis. Results are expected to shed light on the corr elation between the discourse of the conflict and the conflict itself, and how they have been influencing each other in their historical development. Patricia Kottelat Università di Torino Discours lexicographique et politique dans un dictionnaire pour enfants. L exemple du Robert Junior, éditions 1999 et 2012 Les métalexicographes s accordent désormais à reconnaître la nature culturelle, idéologique et politique des dictionnaires. Mais qu en est-il des dictionnaires d apprentissage pour enfants? Cette étude, qui s inscrit dans le courant méthodologique de l Analyse du discours, se propose d analyser le rapport entre dictionnaire et politique dans un texte lexicographique destiné à des enfants de la tranche d âge 8-12 ans, le Robert Junior L analyse de la macrostructure et de la microstructure, en l occurrence des énoncés définitoires et des exemples, consent de dégager l image de la politique dans le dictionnaire, à travers le repérage des ruptures de circularité définitionnelle et des ambiguïtés discursives. En outre, les microséquences narratives proposées dans les exemples permettent d identifier la nature idéologique de ce discours lexicographique, à savoir un ancrage dans une image identitaire républicaine spécifiquement française. Enfin, l analyse des deux versions du Robert Junior 1999 et 2012 atteste une évolution diachronique sensible vers le politiquement correct, à travers l atténuation de positions ethnocentristes et patriotiques véhiculées dans les exemples. Emile L Hôte Université de Paris VII Exploring Mouffe s politics without adversary : a corpus-based cognitive analysis of no-alternative choice in new Labour discourse ( ) I can only go one way. I ve not got a reverse gear. At the 2003 Labour Party Conference, as Tony Blair made a strong commitment to his party s planned course of action, he also emphasized the status of new Labour as the only viable alternative in the British political landscape of the time. I argue that this discourse strategy is characteristic of new Labour s proclivity for Mouffe s politics without adversary (1998). As a rule in the discourse of the party, new Labour policies become the only viable solution to whatever problem is being described. Alternatives are framed in such a way as to make them necessarily unacceptable, thereby rendering unpalatable policies palatable both in domestic and in foreign policy. Relying on an extensive corpus of new Labour and Conservative texts ( ), I use the online tool WMatrix (Rayson, 2009) to produce qualitative and quantitative analyses of this phenomenon. Through concordance and keyness analyses for relevant words and syntactic structures, I introduce a distinction between prototypical choice and what I call no-alternative choice namely an instance of choice in which the possibilities at hand are framed in such a way that only one of them is viable. I find that while new Labour and the Conservatives make similar uses of prototypical choice 19

20 in discourse, no-alternative choice is significantly more prominent in new Labour discourse. I then show how in Mental Space Theory, instances of no-alternative choice can be analysed as or-conditionals, whose main function is centred on directive or imperative force (Sweetser and Dancygier 2005, 250), so that the vast majority of instances of no-alternative choice in our data are actually political threats framed as political choice. This allows me to conclude that this discourse strategy is directly connected to the party s narrative of change and modernisation and to its framing of external change (e.g. globalisation). Maria Ivana Lorenzetti Università di Verona Trends in Political Speeches. From Idealism to Populism. A Contrastive Analysis The last few years saw the rebirth of many political movements increasingly promoting their candidacy as being aligned with the spirit and the benefit of the people in contrast with usurpers or power groups throughout Europe and America (Forza Italia, Il Popolo della Libertà, La Lega Nord in Italy, The Freedom Party in Austria, The German Party of Democratic Socialism in Germany and The Tea Party in the USA among the others), beside those based on more traditionally democratic principles. Moreover, the growing usage of a rhetorical style combining features of populist oratory by parties of different political orientation can be observed in several areas in the world (Europe, USA, Latin America), which led scholars to speak of the rise of a new populism (Zaslove 2008; Canovan 1999). Some features have been highlighted as common traits of the populist style or rhetoric, namely the idealized image of the people as pure and incorruptible, as opposed to the corrupt elite viewed as the dangerous others, the idea that politics should be the expression of the general will of the people, and the presence of a charismatic leader portraying himself as a political outsider, embodying the ideals of the movement (Zaslove 2008). While many characteristics and basic assumptions seem to consistently diverge from main democratic party principles, recently even the rhetorical style of American President Barack Obama has been labeled as carrying some populist overtones, especially with reference to economic themes and domestic politicies. Starting from a textual (Merlini Barbaresi 2003) and critical discourse analysis (Chilton 2003; Wodak 2007) perspective, this paper compares the language of some political leaders, who have often been labeled as populist in the press (Sarah Palin, members of the Tea Party, Beppe Grillo, Silvio Berlusconi), with that of other politicians whose style can only marginally be classified as populist (like Barack Obama, or Democratic Party (PD) leaders in Italy), based on a corpus of their speeches both in Italy and the USA, considering the lexicon, register, and the usage and framing of metaphor (Lakoff 1996), aiming at better delineating the characteristics and similarities and differences of the two rhetorical styles. An additional feature examined which marks both rhetorical styles is the increasing exploitation of new forms of communication, such as the internet and blogs, which proved particularly successful in the case of the Italian Movimento 5Stelle (Five Star Movement) guided by the comedian Beppe Grillo, but also in the case of the latest Obama s presidential campaign, with recourse to in-group marking devices (Brown and Levinson 1987), such as the slogans in Spanish to promote the integration of Hispanic minorities. 20

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