STUDIA ANTIQUA ET ARCHAEOLOGICA XVIII (2012)

Transcription

1 UNIVERSITÉ AL. I. CUZA I A Ş I FACULTÉ D HISTOIRE SÉMINAIRE ET CHAIRE D HISTOIRE ANCIENNE ET D ARCHÉOLOGIE CENTRE INTERDISCIPLINAIRE DʹÉTUDES ARCHÉOHISTORIQUES STUDIA ANTIQUA ET ARCHAEOLOGICA XVIII (2012) EDITURA UNIVERSITĂȚII ALEXANDRU IOAN CUZA IAŞI 2012

2 COLLÈGE DE RÉDACTION: Lucrețiu Mihailescu Bîrliba (rédacteur en chef) (Iaşi) Robin Brigand (Besançon) Svend Hansen (Berlin) Martin Hose (München) Gheorghe Iacob (Iaşi) Ion Niculiță (Chişinău) Acad. Prof. Mircea Petrescu Dîmbovița (Iaşi) Daniele Vittorio Piacente (Bari) Alexandru Florin Platon (Iaşi) Adrian Poruciuc (Iaşi) Alexander Rubel (Iaşi) Ion Sandu (Iaşi) Eugen Sava (Chişinău) Christoph Schäfer (Trier) Wolfgang Schuller (Konstanz) Acad. Victor Spinei (Iaşi) Dan Gh. Teodor (Iaşi) Nicolae Ursulescu (Iaşi) Olivier Weller (Paris) COMITÉ DE RÉDACTION Roxana Gabriela Curcă (sécretariat de rédaction) Marius Alexianu, Neculai Bolohan, Octavian Bounegru, Vasile Cotiugă, Attila László, Mihail Vasilescu, Iulian Moga, Iulia Dumitrache, Andrei Asăndulesei (Iaşi) (membres). Web editor: Ştefan Caliniuc La responsabilité du contenu scientifique et sur la forme des articles revient intégralement aux auteurs. Les manuscrits, les livres et les revues proposés en échange et pour comptes rendus, ainsi que toute la correspondance seront adressés à la Redaction: Universitatea Al.I. Cuza, Facultatea de Istorie, Catedra de Istorie Veche şi Arheologie, Bulevardul Carol I, no.11, Iaşi, Roumanie. Tel. 032/201615; Fax ; ; Website: cisa.uaic.ro/saa E mail: sem arh@uaic.ro; blucretiu@yahoo.com ISSN

3 SOMMAIRE CONTENTS ÉTUDES ET ARTICLES Valentin Codrin CHIRICA, George BODI, Vasile Chirica, Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe. La spiritualité de la déposition d offrandes dans les tombeaux...5 Iharka SZÜCS CSILLIK, Alexandra COMŞA, The East West alignment in Neolithic on the South Eastern Romania...81 Elena VIERU, Coping with the landscape: subsistence strategies of late bronze age communities within the Bârlad basin, Eastern Romania...93 Julia M. CHYLA, Digitalizing paper documentation on the example of an early Celtic settlement Altdorf Am Friedhof in Germany, in the program Arcview..115 Lucrețiu MIHAILESCU BÎRLIBA, Note épigraphique sur les Valerii de l inscription ISM V, Ionuț ACRUDOAE, Militaries from Pannonia in the imperial fleet at Misenum and Ravenna (first third centuries AD). Prosopographical aspects 127 Menahem MOR, Are there any new factors concerning the Bar Kokhba revolt? Rada VARGA, Particular commemoration habits of the middle class from Roman Dacia.195 Raluca DRAGOSTIN, Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine Juan Ramón CARBÓ GARCÍA, Women and «oriental» cults in Roman Dacia Maurizio BUORA, Qualche considerazione sugli oggetti di lusso ad Apulum. A proposito di una recente mostra e del suo catalogo Tincuța CLOŞCĂ, Truth or eloquence in the works of Latin Christian writers of 2 nd 3 rd centuries? Marian MOCANU, Notes on the African Red Slip Ware ceramics in Scythia Minor 319 Constantin Ionuț MIHAI, Amm. Marcell : una nuova ipotesi sul significato di un frammento attribuito all Hortensius di Cicerone Cristian OLARIU, Archaeology, architecture and the use of the Romanità in fascist Italy Daniele Vittorio PIACENTE, La legislazione su restauro e ricostruzione del patrimonio edilizio pubblico. Appunti per una ricerca NÉCROLOGUE Nicolae URSULESCU, Rodolfo Striccoli...389

4 COMPTES RENDUS.395 Abréviations..403

5 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, 5 80 LE PHÉNOMÈNE FUNÉRAIRE DANS LE PALÉOLITHIQUE DE L EUROPE. LA SPIRITUALITÉ DE LA DÉPOSITION D OFFRANDES DANS LES TOMBEAUX. VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA 1, GEORGE BODI 1, VASILE CHIRICA 1 Keywords: Palaeolithic burials, funeral offerings, anthropophagic ritual, ritual practices, the phenomenon of funeral sacredness Abstract: We can notice that the idea that we are trying to assign to prehistoric man, that is the sacredness condition, which represents a specific feature and is manifested by voluntary deeds and actions, such as the artistic creation and the funeral phenomenon, was a specific feature of the social life of prehistoric communities. Regarding the so various burial practices, understood as representative for the will of the community members, the social relations between them, a certain state of religiosity and continuity in the prehistoric environments, we try to differentiate between ritual space and sacred space; ritual space cannot be permanently equated, especially for the localizations of its manifestations, to the sacred space. Ritual space has become sacred following the repetition of the manifestations of the collective sacredness (we refer, for instance, to the continuity of the burials in the same place, considered by its effectiveness, observed as repetition of the phenomenon of funeral sacredness); thus, the ritual space of the Paleolithic caves or outside them has become open to sacredness by the attitude of the practitioners, of the initiated, and also, possibly, by the one of a large number of adepts, participants in the respective cult manifestations. During the Upper Paleolithic one notices sometimes the same practices of the funeral behavior, and also particular innovations. Variations appear regarding the deposition and the orientation of the dead and especially of the funeral offerings etc. We Cet étude représente une variante élargie et complétée du notre contribution au volume Homines, Funera, Astra. Proceedings of the International Symposium on Funerary Anthropology, 5 8 June 2011, 1 Decembrie 1918 University (Alba Iulia, Romania), Edited by R. Kogălniceanu, R. G. Curcă, M. Gligor, S. Stratton, BAR, Oxford 2012, V. C. CHIRICA, V. CHIRICA 2012, Institutul de Arheologie Iași, codrinchirica@hotmail.com, georgebodi@gmail.com, vchirica@yahoo.com.

6 6 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA consider it is only then that the behavior of the living population creates the possibility of evaluation of the functioning manners of the respective human communities, their organization, mentalities and, last but not least, their beliefs and religious practices. Résumé: Les auteurs essayent de distinguer l espace ritual de l espace sacré au Paléolithique Supérieur. Les différences apparaissent dans la deposition du défunt, dans son orientation et dans les offrandes funéraires. Ils considèrent que le comportement des survivants fournissent des possibilités d évaluation de leur mentalités et de leurs croyances et pratiques religieuses. Rezumat: Autorii încearcă o diferențiere a spațiului ritual de cel sacru în Paleoliticul Superior. Diferențele apar în modul de depunere a defunctului, în orientarea sa şi în modul de depunere a ofrandelor funerare. Ei consideră că modul de comportament al supraviețuitorilor poate furniza posibilități de evaluare a mentalităților, ale credințelor şi practicilor lor religioase. L attention accordée aux morts par les communautés humaines paléolithiques peut être expliquée, selon nous, par deux éléments spécifiques exclusivement à l HOMME, comme entité supérieure du monde vivant: 1, le fait que celui ci avait le sentiment religieux ; 2, par le caractère social de toutes sa vie et son activité. Nous ne pourions jamais savoir la manière de réception de la mort dans les acceptions de la vie des communautés humaines anciennes. Pourtant, à partir des découvertes archéologiques, nous avons la certitude que les gens de l époque paléolithique avaient une conscience de la mort. Nous ne savons pas si l anthropophagie rituelle est née avec l idée de la protection, conservation et récupération des potences du corps/ de l esprit des morts, ou beaucoup plus tard, après certaines clarifications d ordre idéologique, comme reflet peut être thaumaturgique, concernant les éventuelles valences de supériorité de ceux qui s étaient imposés dans la vie sociale de la communauté; nous n excluons pas la consommation rituelle du corps ou de parties du corps des morts, ou peut être seulement de ceux qui, de leur vivant, présentaient des malformations pathologiques donc se trouvaient, idéologiquement, en dehors de la communauté (avec une possible connotation de supériorité, et non d infériorité). Nous n excluons non plus le cannibalisme, mais nous croyons qu il s agit d idéologie, donc de mentalités spécifiques seulement à des communautés humaines isolées, et

7 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 7 ce n est pas notre intention de généraliser cette pratique en l attribuant à toutes les communautés humaines et à toute la Préhistoire européenne. D autre part, nous n excluons non plus l hypothèse du cannibalisme de valorisation spirituelle, comme reconnaissance des vertus surtout idéologiques de ceux consacrés, tout comme nous n excluons non plus certaines pratiques concernant le sacrifice de certains membres de la communauté, peut être comme gestes ou comportement funéraire 2. Il est très probable que la mort a été initialement perçue plutôt temporairement, comme une partie du sommeil, raison pour laquelle lorsqu on a découvert des tombeaux à squelettes entiers, en position anatomique, ceux ci démontrent que les morts étaient enterrés «dans la position du sommeil» 3. L analyse des découvertes, des conditions dans lesquelles elles ont été faites, du contexte stratigraphique et géochronologiques des accessoires des tombeaux, des offrandes déposées démontre qu il n y a pas eu des pratiques ou canons obligatoires, à travers des espaces géographiques larges, ou à l intérieur des cultures archéologiques. Nous croyons que les pratiques rituelles sont apparues et se sont multipliées par des activités spécifiques, par expérience et additions permanentes, d association des rites de passage et transmission, à éléments idéologiques et par des socialisations, dans le cadre de la communauté ou par des relations intercommunautaires. Les pratiques rituelles ont existé à coup sûr, même si nous ne connaissons pas les détails des manifestations cultuelles, mais nous considérons qu elles s encadraient en ce que nous appelons le sentiment religieux. Selon nous, le fait religieux et ses manifestations, tous ces éléments spécifiques à la vie religieuse préhistorique, étaient liés au pratiquant, à son attitude mentale, de sorte que nous pouvons nous référer seulement aux aspects idéologiques de la vie des communautés humaines paléolithiques, car nous ne pouvons pas éliminer les manifestations personnelles du contexte de la collectivité, car les enterrements étaient par excellence des manifestations publiques, à caractère social, quel que celui ci pût être. De la sorte, à partir de l idée 2 BINANT 1991; BINANT 1991A; GROENEN 1997, 1, 17 45; MAUREILLE 2004; LEROI GOURHAN 1990, BOSINSKI 1990, 28.

8 8 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA que l homme est né avec le sentiment religieux 4, nous pouvons apprécier que le phénomène du sacré du passé éloigné de l humanité ait constitué une réalité de la vie sociale de l homme, à commencer par la Préhistoire. Les problématiques et les méthodologies de recherche, concernant les espaces géographiques et les plages géochronologiques diverses nous offre une première image d ensemble sur la complexité et la diversité des manifestations d art mobilier et de leurs interprétations esthétiques, cognitives et/ou magique religieuses, surtout lorsque de telles pièces, seules ou associées à des objets de parure, ont été déposées comme des offrandes dans les tombeaux des membres de la communauté. Les théories magico religieuses situent le sacré à l origine de l art, comme objets ou images reproduites ou modifiées pour être adorées. De ce point de vue, nous sommes d avis que pas seulement toute la création artistique eût des connotations religieuses mais son origine même était religieuse. En ce sens, les exégètes du phénomène ne doutent plus l existence du fait religieux, du sacré individuel et collectif dans les respectives communautés humaines. D ailleurs, E. Durkheim apprécie que «la chose sacrée est surtout celle que le profane ne doit pas et ne peut pas atteindre sans être puni» 5 et nous pouvons faire appel à des citations et faits bibliques relatifs aux interdictions. Dans le même sens, si nous acceptons l idée de la religiosité de la création artistique, surtout de l art préhistorique, nous sommes obligés à admettre y compris le caractère social des manifestations. «Elles ont été nées dans et par la religion, elles sont le produit de la pensée religieuse», précise E. Durkheim 6. Nous constatons que la caractéristique que nous essayons d attribuer à l homme préhistorique, à savoir l état de sacralité, constitué comme trait spécifique et manifesté par des faits et actions volontaires, parmi lesquels la création artistique et le phénomène funéraire, constituait un trait représentatif de la vie sociale des communautés préhistoriques. Nous ne croyons pas qu aujourd hui nous pourrions connaître en détail 4 CHIRICA 2006, DURKHEIM 1995, DURKHEIM 1995, 22.

9 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 9 les manifestations religieuses des communautés humaines préhistoriques. En ce qui concerne les pratiques, si diverses, des enterrements comme facteur de volonté des membres de la communauté, les relations sociales entre ceux ci, un certain état de religiosité et de continuité dans les milieux préhistoriques, nous essayons de faire la distinction entre l espace rituel et l espace sacré; l espace rituel ne pourra être équivalé en permanence, surtout par les localisations de ses manifestations, à l espace sacré. L espace rituel est devenu sacré à la suite de la répétition des manifestations du sacré collectif (nous nous référons, par exemple, à la continuité des enterrements dans le même endroit, considéré par certains éléments acceptés comme indiquant son efficacité, et constatée comme répétition du phénomène de la sacralité funéraire); de la sorte, l espace rituel, des grottes paléolithiques ou de l extérieur de celles ci, ou des immenses espaces lœssiques des différentes régions géographiques européennes, est devenu ouvert au sacré tout d abord par l attitude des pratiquants, mais surtout par celle des initiés, et peut être aussi par celle d un grand nombre d adeptes, participants aux manifestations cultuelles respectives. En fait, les premiers initiés ont été les membres de la communauté qui se sont fait remarquer et se sont imposés par des traits physiques particuliers, qui leur donnaient une position supérieure à celle des autres ; les déformations pathologiques pouvaient être appréciées par les membres de la communauté comme résultant de certaines émotions supérieures, de sorte qu ils se sont aussi spirituellement imposés, les autres membres de la communauté restant avec la qualité de simples pratiquants des manifestations devenues cultuelles par la répétition des «scénarios» ; le long du temps, certains membres participants ont été même obligés à renoncer à certains rituels, devenus des interdictions des procès rituels, sous la forme des canons. Cette première démarche dans la littérature roumaine de profil impose un court excursus, à commencer par ce que nous pourrions dénommer les idées esthétiques, mais aussi de sacralité, de déposition des morts dans un milieu à protection naturelle, mais sans avoir la certitude des aménagements volontaires par ceux d après le visage et la ressemblance.

10 10 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA Un comportement social des communautés de Homo erectus semble s être mis en évidence à partir d environ ans, si nous prenons en considérations les découvertes de Belle Roche (Belgique), des terrasses hautes de la Loire (France), datées à environ 1 million ans, qui semblent prouver l existence de constructions spécialement aménagées dès cet âgelà 7. Nous ajoutons aussi les premiers achèvements esthétiques de l époque, les découvertes de la caverne Kozarnika, de Bulgarie. Dans les niveaux d habitat appartenant au Paléolithique inférieur, datés entre 1,4 et 0,9 millions ans, on a découvert plusieurs fragments d os (éclats), décorés à striations intentionnelles, qui ne résultent pas des opérations de tranchage de la viande. La plus représentative en est un tibia de bovidé, long de 95,15 mm et large de 12,41 mm, provenant de la couche 12, daté à ans 8. La pièce a été décorée avec plusieurs séries de striations ayant la longueur de mm. La première série est constituée d une striation et d un groupe de 3 incisions. La deuxième série est formée d un groupe de 4 incisions parallèles, distancées à 1 2 mm l une de l autre, disposées toujours obliquement. La troisième série est la mieux représentée, étant située à une distance de 11,5 mm de la précédente, et la longueur des 4 incisions est de mm. Nous pourrions ajouter aussi la découverte de Bilzingsleben (Allemagne), datée entre ans, comme intention de pérennité du geste esthétique. Là bas, sur un fragment de tibia d éléphant on a tiré, par des incisions, des fascicules de lignes verticales, encadrées par des lignes obliques, symétriques (fig.1) 9. Par hasard, nous avons pu observer qu au coucher du soleil, les derniers rayons du soleil ont la même image : des fascicules verticales, encadrés symétriquement par d autres, obliques. La similitude pourrait nous faire penser à la tendance de l homme, dès l aube de son évolution, de s élever vers l inconnu céleste, vers la divinité. En ce contexte, nous devons préciser que l invention (la domestication) du feu a eu une signification extraordinaire pour l histoire de l évolution des communautés humaines paléolithiques, représentant la 7 CORDY, JUVIGNÉ, RENSON, GEERAERTS HUSS 2001, 98; DESPRIEE, GAGEONNET, DUVIALARD, VARACHE 2001, GUADELLI, GUADELLI 2004, KOZLOWSKI 1992, 33.

11 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 11 plus importante création de l homme, à immenses effets spirituels et même dans le domaine du phénomène religieux parce qu on considère que surtout au début le feu avait un rôle sociologique très important en ce qui concerne la socialisation des membres de la communauté (les hommes se ramassaient autour du feu pour se protéger et se présentaient les acquisitions réciproques), mais aussi métaphysique, par l extension, l accentuation des relations, de la conscience collective, des manifestations cultuelles, d adoration. Dans le même contexte de la vie et de la mort d Homo erectus nous mentionnons la découverte des plus de 30 squelettes humains, datés à plus de ans B.P., de Cima de los Huesos, Atapuerca (Espagne), situés dans une profondeur naturelle, au fond de laquelle ce qui nous fait penser à l idée d un tombeau collectif il y avait comme offrande funéraire une pièce biface en quartzite, de qualité exceptionnelle 10, fait inexplicable en dehors du contexte de la sacralité funéraire (fig. 2/1 2). Evidemment, à une analyse plus attentive, on ne peut accepter l idée d un enterrement unique des 30 morts, tout comme la déposition d une seule offrande rituelle. Nous croyons que certains détails ont échappé aux archéologues: soit des détails de micro stratigraphie, soit d autres éléments de détail. Nous précisons pourtant que la pièce biface, d une extraordinaire valeur spirituelle (et économique) a été déposée comme offrande seulement pour l un des enterrés, dans le périmètre d un seul tombeau (c est pourquoi nous avons précisé l importance du contexte archéologique de la découverte), ce qui met en évidence ce tombeau dans le cadre de tout le complexe archéologique, de culte funéraire. Une situation d une certaine manière similaire a été constaté à Krapina, en Croatie, toujours à 30 squelettes, mais ici tous les spécialistes ont accepté l idée d un sacrifice rituel, du genre de l anthropophagie rituelle ou laïque. Nous ajoutons aussi le fait que là bas il pourrait s agir d une «fosse commune», suite au massacre d un groupe de possibles pilleurs. Une analyse ADN serait extrêmement utile afin d établir des caractéristiques anthropologiques des 30 morts, fait qui aurait pu expliquer aussi la motivation «historique» de l événement. 10 CLOTTES 2005, 21.

12 12 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA Dans le même cadre chronologique (Paléolithique inférieur) et géographique (européen), nous mentionnons aussi les découvertes de restes humains, à possibles connotations de spiritualité du phénomène funéraire, d Allemagne: (la mandibule de Mauer, datée à ans 11 ou les crânes de Steinheim, Ehringsdorf, Bilzingsleben ; d Hongrie: la découverte de Vertesszöllos 12 ; en Grèce: le crâne de Petralona ; en Italie: plusieurs découvertes telles la Grotte du Prince, Castel di Guido, Saccopastore, Venosa Notarchirico, etc. ; en France: dans les sites de la Grotte de l Arago, Montmaurin, Terra Amata, Lazaret, Orgnac, La Chaise, Vergranne, Biache Saint Vaast, Fontéchevade, en Espagne à Cova Negra ; en Grande Bretagne: Swanscombe, etc 13. De la sorte, dans la grotte d Arago, datée entre approximativement et ans, on a découvert de nombreux restes osseux d Homo erectus, en association à des outils et restes faunistiques; dans l abri sous roche de La Chaise on a constaté une longue séquence d habitats humains, à fragments crâniens de type néanderthalien et à industrie spécifique; à Montmaurin, dans un réseau karstique d une certaine complexité, on a découvert des restes d habitat à industrie et restes d os humains, à aspect néanderthalien, ou plus ancien, dont on suppose qu ils seraient datables dans l interglaciare Mindel Riss. Dans la plupart des cas il s agit de la découverte de crânes ou seulement de mandibules, manifestation cultuelle perpétuée dans le Paléolithique moyen, raison pour laquelle A. Leroi Gourhan 14 a proposé l idée de l existence d un culte des mandibules, compte tenu du pourcentage des découvertes et de la constatation que parmi plusieurs catégories de restes osseux (dents, mandibules, maxillaires, os longs) d animaux (loup, hyène, renard) et d homme, on remarque les dents et les mandibules humains, en pourcentages de 60% et respectivement de 20 %. Pendant le Paléolithique moyen les vestiges se multiplient et on constate l existence des aménagements spéciaux, destinés à la déposition des morts, pour la protection de ceux ci. De la sorte, on connaît un nombre 11 KRAATZ 1992, THOMA 1966, 70, ; THOMA 1990, CHAVAILLON 1992, 290; OTTE 1996, LEROI GOURHAN 1990,

13 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 13 assez grand de découvertes, dont certaines plus complexes, d autres plus simples, situées presque dans la quasi totalité de l espace européen 15. En France, à Biache, dans un campement de surface, daté à environ ans, on a découvert deux crânes fragmentaires, bien qu on n ait pas signalé d aménagements spéciaux, les crânes ont été déposés dans le périmètre de l espace habité. A Arcy sur Cure, on a découvert un ensemble de grottes, dont seule une a offert plusieurs restes paléoanthropologiques de type néanderthalien, en association à un outillage lithique et à des structures de combustion. A Chapelle aux Saints, on a étudié une grotte où l on a découvert les premiers tombeaux néanderthaliens de France, en identifiant des aménagements spéciaux, avec la déposition du mort dans des conditions rituelles, en position pliée, associé à des offrandes d os d animaux et d outils en pierre. En fait, le site a une double signification : un campement moustérien, doublé par la présence des tombeaux, l ensemble étant considéré par les archéologues comme étant particulièrement important : «L homme que nous avons trouvé a été intentionnellement enseveli» 16. Les découvreurs ont précisé aussi le fait que dans cette grotte «l on serait venu faire de nombreux repas funéraires», ce qui démontre la possibilité de l existence de certaines pratiques mortuaires spécifiques, même si l appréciation a été faite au début du 20 e siècle par les prêtres archéologues. Dans le gisement de La Ferrassie, grande station de type abri, à une bien connue industrie moustérienne, dans plusieurs sépultures on a déposé 7 individus, dont 5 étaient des enfants; l une des fosses rituelles avait le mort couvert d une dalle en pierre décorée à cupules. Dans ce cas, D. Peyrony a présenté une autre situation des découvertes : deux adultes (un homme et une femme), déposés dans le périmètre de la couche culturelle, alors que dans deux petites fosses on avait déposé un enfant de 10 ans, respectivement deux nouveaux nés. En 1920, on a identifié neuf vagues monticules de terrain, à la base de l un d eux se trouvant les restes d un fœtus. On a dégagé d autres sépultures, l une étant couverte par une dalle en calcaire et contenant les restes d un enfant âgé de 3 ans, dont la tête, 15 OBERMAIER 1905, ; GROENEN 1997, 20 42; OTTE 1996, ; MASSET 2000, BOUYSSONIE, BOUYSSONIE, BARDON 1909,

14 14 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA sans mandibule, se trouvait à 1,5 m du reste du squelette. En outre, on a aussi constaté que toutes les tombeaux d enfants étaient intensément affectés par diverses autres structures d habitat, sans que les auteurs des recherches aient fait des précisions concernant la nature de celles ci 17. Fontechevade est une grotte à industrie tayacienne, à foyers et quelques restes osseux de type néanderthalien. A L Hortus, grotte à dépositions du Würm ancien, à nombreuses structures d habitat, associées à une industrie lithique et une faune abondante, où de nombreux restes paléoanthropologiques étaient répandus parmi les autres témoignages archéologiques. Les spécialistes se sont demandés s il s agit de microprocès pédo géologiques ou de pratiques du domaine de l anthropophagie, sans fournir pourtant une réponse acceptable pour tous les archéologues. Marillac constitue un habitat utilisé pendant le Würm ancien, connue surtout par les nombreux restes d ossements de type néanderthalien; Le Moustier, le célèbre site éponyme du Moustérien, a offert, à côté de l industrie lithique spécifique, un tombeau de néanderthalien, le mort étant déposé le corps plié, «dans la position du sommeil», dans une fosse spécialement aménagée. Pech de l Aze constitue un massif de calcaire à plusieurs grottes habitées pendant le Paléolithique moyen, à structures de combustion et restes d os néanderthaliens, tout le complexe étant daté pendant le Würm ancien. La Quina est un abri qui a offert l industrie charentienne du Paléolithique moyen, mais aussi de nombreux restes osseux humains, répandus parmi les autres matériaux archéologiques spécifiques, avec la précision qu on a identifié aussi une fosse spécialement aménagée pour la protection d un mort déposé, probablement, dans le cadre d un certain cérémonial. Régourdou, est un gisement de plein air, daté pendant le dernier interglaciaire, à industrie moustérienne et un squelette de néanderthalien déposé dans un aménagement spécial, considéré unique pendant le Paléolithique moyen européen. Celui ci a été identifié dans le niveau IV, protégé par un certain type de tumulus, aménagé spécialement pour le rituel de l enterrement. E. Bonifay précise que le squelette gisait sur un lit de dalles en pierre, étant couvert de blocs de pierre, mêlés aux offrandes 17 VANDERMEERSCH 1976, 726.

15 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 15 déposées : nucléus, éclats, un racloir, un humérus d ours, tout le complexe étant couvert de gravier, sable, cendre de foyer, y compris des os d ours et un bois de cerf 18. A Roc de Marsal, site moustérien de grotte, on a étudié un tombeau d enfant, déposé dans une fosse spécialement aménagée. Saint Césaire constitue un abri où l on a découvert seulement un crâne néanderthalien dans un contexte archéologique à industrie châtelperronienne. De la sorte, en France on a dégagé 10 tombeaux de l époque moustérienne, dont 6 étaient dédiés aux enfants et seulement 4 aux adultes. Nous constatons aussi l attention accordée aux offrandes mortuaires : des outils en pierre, mais aussi des restes d os ou même des bois de cerf, qui pourraient avoir aussi une autre signification que les offrandes de viande (d os), à savoir celle de substitution 19. On a ainsi constaté qu à La Ferrassie, on a offert à un enfant de moins d un an, 3 racloirs, à orientation symétrique par rapport au corps de celui ci (fig. 5/1). En Espagne, il y a les découvertes signalées à Banyoles, avec la célèbre mandibule, considérée comme appartenant au dernier interglaciaire, identifiée dans les dépôts lacustres; Carihuela, grotte avec les niveaux 11 4 d habitat moustérien, où l on a signalé quelques restes paléoanthropologiques néanderthaliens); à Los Moros de Cabasa, un grotte à plusieurs restes humains de type néanderthalien, qui semblent correspondre à un groupe familial 20, seulement par les caractéristiques des dépositions rituelles, sans des analyses détaillées, de l ADN. En Allemagne, les découvertes dans ce domaine peuvent commencer par celle faite à Neandertal, la célèbre grotte qui a fourni les restes anthropologiques reconnus comme tels, des créateurs de la culture archéologiques du Paléolithique moyen ; à Salzgitter Lebenstedt, où l on a identifié un site ouvert, à faune et industrie spécifiques au Paléolithique moyen, et où l on a aussi trouvé un occipital néanderthalien. En Belgique, dans la grotte d Engis, l on a découvert, dans des conditions stratigraphiques sûres, deux crânes humains, en association à une industrie moustérienne; à Sclayn, dans un niveau supérieur daté à 18 BONIFAY 1965, CHIRICA, BODI, CHIRICA IGNACIO LORENZO, MONTES 2001,

16 16 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA ans de la bien connue grotte à restes d habitat dont les plus anciens sont datés à ans, on a découvert les restes d un squelette d enfant; à Spy il existe un autre site où en 1886 l on a découvert deux squelettes de néanderthaliens en association à des matériaux lithiques de facture moustérienne 21 ; toujours en Belgique, l on a découvert d autres enterrements, tels ceux de Fonds de Forêt, Walou etc. 22. En Slovaquie, on a seulement signalé le site de plein air de Ganovce, où l on a étudié une industrie de type Paléolithique moyen, associé à laquelle on a découvert un «moulage» d une calotte crânienne de type néanderthalien. En Hongrie, dans la grotte de Subalyuk, à deux niveaux d habitat moustérien, on a découvert une industrie considérée comme antészélettienne, à faune et restes des squelettes de type néanderthalien. En Grande Bretagne, on signale les découvertes de Gibraltar, massif montagneux de calcaire, à plusieurs sites, où l on a identifié une industrie moustérienne, et aussi les restes anthropologiques d un néanderthalien; ou de Pontnewydd, grotte à plusieurs compartiments, à restes d habitat, dont les plus anciens ont été datés à environ ans, mais à industrie basée sur la technique Levallois, à paléofaune de renne, éléphant, rhinocéros, et à fragments osseux humains. En Italie, il faut mentionner deux découvertes plus importantes: celle de Guattari, où l on a identifié plusieurs grottes situées à Monte Circeo ; dans l une de celles ci un habitat moustérien étant découvert avec un crâne humain, déposé à l intérieur d un cercle de pierres, selon un rituel spécifique (fig.3) 23 et celle de Saccopastore, gisement où, dans le cadre des niveaux à graviers, on a découvert deux fragments crâniens, probablement de type néanderthalien. En Ukraine, Kiik Koba, la bien connue grotte à habitat moustérien de Crimée a fourni une industrie typique et un tombeau néanderthalien double: un adulte et un nouveau né. A Staroselye, site de Crimée, en fait un abri, à industrie moustérienne évoluée, dans le contexte de laquelle on 21 MAUREILLE, SEMAL, CILLYS 2001, TOUSSAINT, PIRSON 2001, LEROI GOURHAN 1990,

17 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 17 a aussi découvert un tombeau, considéré comme appartenant soit à un homme moderne, soit à un néanderthalien, et à Zaskalnaya, un ensemble de sites moustériens, à abri, où l on a découvert un véritable groupe de tombeaux néanderthaliens, à 5 individus, à de nombreuses offrandes de matériaux lithiques. Une situation plus complexe a été présentée par Y. Demidenko 24 qui précise qu à part les restes de la jeune femme de 25 ans,; dans le même endroit on a découvert les restes osseux provenant d enfants de 2 3 ans, de 5 6 ans et de ans, les matériaux ostéologiques n étant pas identifiés dans un contexte archéologique sûr, mais en fosses ultérieures, qui ont détruit le niveau de la déposition initiale. Les analyses de chronologie absolue ont permis la datation de ces restes ostéologiques à ans av.j. C. non calibrés. La découverte de la caverne Krapina, Croatie, de pas moins de 30 squelettes de néanderthaliens, fragmentaires, à débris abandonnés à la surface de l habitat 25 a posé un autre problème important: la possible anthropophagie rituelle de ces paléanthropes européens, d autant plus que les découvertes similaires (à os humains isolés, à traces de consommation alimentaire) ont été réalisées aussi dans d autres sites moustériens. Mais, encore plus important selon nous, semble être le fait que la majorité des découvertes de crânes (isolées) appartiennent aux enfants, et non pas aux adultes (Kiik Koba, La Ferrassie, Le Moustier, Spy, etc.). De la sorte, dans le site de La Ferrassie on a dévoilé 7 tombeaux, dont 5 appartiennent à des enfants. Une autre caractéristique, surtout des tombeaux d enfants, est leur association à des outils en pierre des adultes (surtout des racloirs), pratique rituelle qui pose certaines questions concernant la signification des rituels funéraires des néanderthaliens. Compte tenu du fait que ce n est pas dans tous les sites que les restes paléoanthropologiques se trouvaient en contexte archéologique sûr, mais que la majorité étaient situés dans le périmètre d habitats paléolithiques, nous osons introduire dans cette catégorie deux découvertes du territoire de la Roumanie: celles de Peştera Muierii de Baia de Fier et Peştera Cioclovina, datées dans un intervalle contenu entre 24 DEMIDENKO 2011, LEROI GOURHAN 1990, 48.

18 18 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA BP ( cal. ans BP), pour la Caverne Muierii, et BP ( cal. ans BP), pour la Caverne Cioclovina. Dans la Caverne Muierii on a trouvé: des fragments de mandibule, de crâne, d omoplate, une diaphyse tibiale, et à Cioclovina, un crâne fragmentaire; toutes ces découvertes paléoanthropologiques se trouvaient dans des conditions stratigraphiques qui n étaient pas très bien précisées compte tenu du fait que dans les deux sites on a enregistré des restes d habitat aurignacien et moustérien, et les spécialistes du domaine ont apprécié que les fragments osseux humains avaient les caractéristiques d Homo sapiens, mais à traits plus anciens 26. Evidemment, nous n avons pas mentionné toutes les découvertes de restes paléoanthropiques du territoire européen. On peut y ajouter ceux du Proche Orient et du Moyen Orient (fig. 4/1, 2), dont certaines à impact majeur dans la tentative des exégètes de déchiffrer les spécificités et les significations religieuses des pratiques mortuaires. Certains spécialistes apprécie le nombre des tombeaux aménagés, à fosses spéciales du territoire de l Europe, en environ 30, dix autres étant enregistrées en Israël, Irak, jusqu en Uzbekistan 27. Peut être aussi à cause de leur âge, ce n est pas partout qu on a conservé les aménagements initiaux. Nous ajoutons aussi un fait qui n est pas dépourvu d importance: les premières (et le plus grand nombre) de découvertes ont été effectuées pendant la première et la seconde moitié du XIX e siècle, lorsque les conditions de la recherche se trouvaient au début, de sorte que l attention des découvreurs (la majorité ayant d autres spécialisations) n était pas dirigée vers la conservation des détails des découvertes. On a aussi constaté que la majorité des découvertes des ensembles funéraires (pour toute l époque paléolithique) se trouve en France, Italie, Espagne, Belgique, mais ceci peut être dû au fait que dans ces pays on a effectué les plus intenses recherches et fouilles archéologiques. 26 ALEXANDRESCU, OLARIU, SKOG, STENSTRÖM, HELLSBORG 2010, OTTE 1996, 181.

19 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 19 Quelques constatations d ordre général s imposent en ce qui concerne le phénomène funéraire pendant le Paléolithique inférieur et moyen 28 : il y a eu, à coup sûr, l intention de la protection des morts beaucoup de temps avant l aménagement spécial de l endroit de leur déposition; nous ne pouvons pas étendre et généraliser l existence des pratiques liées à un certain phénomène de l anthropophagie rituelle, peut être même du cannibalisme des membres des communautés humaines; nous croyons qu on pourrait accepter l idée de la consommation des cadavres des morts, avec ou sans intentions rituelles, dans le cas de certains groupes humains des diverses régions géographiques, sans pouvoir les identifier et nominaliser. L état précaire des ossements humains au moment de leur découverte peut être du à une série de facteurs nonanthropiques: le temps écoulé (aspects chronologiques); les caractéristiques chimiques du sol dans lequel on a déposé les cadavres; les possibles actions des animaux pilleurs etc. Nous reviendrons sur la problématique du phénomène de l anthropophagie rituelle, du cannibalisme comme faits qui pourraient constituer les éléments d un comportement, d une responsabilité de facture religieuse, comme gestes rituelles 29 ; les découvertes de Bilzingsleben et Atapuerca, parmi les plus anciens restes humains découverts et considérés comme appartenant au phénomène de la spiritualité des pratiques funéraires, imposent la prise en considération du stade supérieur de connaissance et de pensée des membres des communautés humaines respectives. En ce qui concerne le fait qu à Atapuerca on a déposé une offrande funéraire si précieuse, nous détermine à délimiter le tombeau respectif du reste des squelettes identifiés écartés parmi les autres catégories de matériaux archéologiques. Là bas, comme à Krapina (ce dernier site seulement est daté à environ ans BP), un autre phénomène a eu lieu: une possible confrontation avec un groupe de pilleurs externes, qui ont été tués et traités dans la manière spécifique; les analyses ADN sur les squelettes auraient pu 28 VANDERMEERSCH 1976, LEROI GOURHAN 1990, 49 52; ELIADE 1992, 97.

20 20 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA préciser les éventuelles caractéristiques ethniques de ceux jetés dans la fosse commune; ce n est que dans le cas des découvertes de la grotte de Los Moros de Cabasa, Espagne, qu on a pu apprécier que les restes humains appartiennent à un groupe familial 30. l apparition du phénomène artistique et de l idée de la renaissance de ceux enterrés peut être constatée dès le Paléolithique moyen; nous nous référons à la déposition du mort de Shanidar 31 sur un lit de fleurs, ce qui implique les deux aspects: le sentiment de l esthétique, mais aussi l idée de la guérison et de sa résurrection, tenant compte de la constatation qu à présent, les bergers nomades irakiens cherchent les plantes respectives pour leurs qualités de guérir; situations quasi identiques ont été constatées dans le cas des découvertes de Roc de Marsal et de La Ferrassie 32. De ce point de vue, nous constatons la volonté de l homme de vivre éternellement, même la peur de mourir, comme élément spécifiquement humain, qui ont pu constituer la base de l apparition du fait religieux. Même si nous ne sommes pas complètement d accord avec l utilisation de certaines sources d informations extérieures à la Préhistoire de l humanité, nous faisons pourtant appel à certaines précisions bibliques que nous considérons comme les plus proches de l image de l homme préhistorique. De la sorte, dans la Bible, on précise que la peur de mort est le début de la sagesse, d où nous pouvons apprécier que ce trait spirituel de l homme a été beaucoup plus ancien. on a identifié des tombeaux isolés (La Chapelle aux Saints), des tombeaux doubles (Spy), des nécropoles (La Ferrassie, Zaskalnaya), des «fosses communes» (Atapuerca, Krapina), mais nous ne savons pas si l on a effectué des analyses ADN pour établir la possible relation de paternité ou les éventuels aspects ethniques portant sur les personnes mortes et enterrées; ce n est qu à Zaskalnaya qu on a pu constaté que les enfants à âge compris entre 2 3 ans et ou ans ne se trouvaient pas en relation de parenté; de cette manière, il reste une question très importante : le fait que plusieurs séries de populations (de communautés 30 IGNACIO LORENZO, MONTES 2001, LEROI GOURHAN 1990, RENAULT MISKOVSKY, GIRARD, THI MAI 2005,

21 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 21 humaines) ont utilisé le même cimetière pour l enterrement exclusivement des enfants d âges différents 33. De ce point de vue, nous considérons que l utilisation du même endroit pour les enterrements par des populations possiblement différentes mais, à coup sûr, consécutives dans le temps, a consacré la sacralité de l espace respectif dans le cadre large des campements humains. on ne peut nier l évidence de certaines actions, comme gestes volontaires sur les cadavres 34 : de véritables tranchements du corps, avec le décharnement des membres 35, à actions intentionnelles sur les os longs ou les crânes (Petralona, Verteszöllös, Tautavel, Atapuerca, Bilzingsleben, Kulna etc.), mais que nous ne pouvons pas interpréter comme étant à coup sûr liées aux aspects spirituels, aux rituels des enterrements ou de la mort au moins pour certains membres de la communauté. la plus grande attention accordée aux enfants, par le nombre plus grand d enterrements à aménagements spéciaux, en comparaison avec les tombeaux des adultes, et aussi la déposition de certains outils de valeur, mais que les enfants n auraient pu tailler et utiliser, constituent une autre inconnue du phénomène funéraire pendant le Paléolithique moyen (fig. 5/1, 2). la déposition des offrandes de viande ou des bois d animaux chassés dans les tombeaux, y compris des enfants, peut être attachée à des pratiques et rituels concernant soit l idée de la suprématie de l homme dans le cadre de l univers connu du monde vivant, soit toujours à l idée de renaissance après la mort ou encore à la substitution de l homme, même enfant, à l animal chassé 36 ; d ailleurs, même la déposition des morts dans la position de sommeil nous permet de croire que les membres des communautés de néanderthaliens considéraient la mort comme un processus réversible (fig. 6/a c). les découvertes de Petralona, Guatari, Kebara (Israel) et d autres endroits créent l idée de l existence d un culte des crânes, à côté de celui 33 DEMIDENKO 2011, 345, MASSET 1992, 267; OTTE 1996, LEROI GOURHAN 1990, CHIRICA, BODI, CHIRICA 2012.

22 22 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA des mandibules, parce qu il semble qu on agissait de manière évidente sur cette partie anatomique du corps humain, évidemment après la mort mais on estime aussi l existence de l enterrement en deux temps ou «sepulture secondaire» 37, à cause de la constatation du fait qu après l inhumation, le cadavre a été déposé, de manière rituelle, dans un autre espace sacré, mais certaines parties du corps sont restées dans le premier tombeau 38. Nous nous arrêtons ici les observations sélectives concernant les enterrements pendant le Paléolithique moyen, mais nous devons tenir compte de l existence des multiples éléments de certains scénarios de la déposition d après le visage et la ressemblance dans des conditions spéciales, de protection et de conservation dans l idée du retour à la vie terrestre. Peut être même le respect, presque strictement, de l orientation des tombeaux, sur la direction est ouest, démontre l existence d une harmonie céleste pour le destin des morts 39. Pourtant, nous ne pouvons pas et ne devons pas laisser de côté les possibilités d ordre social, donc spirituel et même religieux des populations néandertaliennes. Nous nous référons aux constatations de M. Otte 40, mais aussi à celles d autres exégètes concernant l existence du fait religieux dès les début de l homme comme être supérieur du monde vivant. Le Paléolithique supérieur, qui évolue en Europe entre approximativement ans et ans, est mis en évidence par des éléments d une nouveauté absolue sur plusieurs paliers: le nouveau type physique humain, Homo sapiens sapiens, qui remplace Homo sapiens neandertaliensis; du point de vue géochronologique, tout le processus historique est intégré dans la dernière glaciation, surtout celle de la seconde moitié, jusque vers la fin des époques glaciaires (l Epigravettien, daté, en général, après le Maximum Valdai de la 37 MASSET 1992, ; OTTE 2011, 50 53; MAUREILLE 2004, MARTINI, SARTI 1990, OTTE 1996, OTTE 2011, 50 54; OTTE 2011a,

23 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 23 compréhension O. Soffer 41 ; même si l on apprécie que le Paléolithique moyen peut être aussi caractérisé par une certaine création artistique à contenu religieux 42, ce n est que pendant le Paléolithique supérieur qu on constate un développement extraordinaire de la production artistique, la multiplication des représentations et des supports, la création artistique même étant considérée comme étant de nature religieuse; nouvelles acquisitions et transmissions dans le domaine du phénomène funéraire, de la signification religieuse des enterrements. Pendant le Paléolithique supérieur on constate parfois les mêmes pratiques du comportement funéraire, mais aussi des innovations à part. Des variations apparaissent en ce qui concerne la déposition et l orientation des morts et surtout une grande variété des offrandes funéraires etc. Nous croyons que ce n est que maintenant que tout le comportement des vivants crée la possibilité de l évaluation des manières de fonctionnement des communautés humaines respectives, leur organisation, les mentalités et, pas dernièrement, les croyances et les pratiques religieuses. Au niveau de la fin du XX e siècle on considérait que du Paléolithique moyen on avait découvert 10 tombeaux en grottes, 11 en abri et aucun dans des sites de plein air; du Paléolithique supérieur, on avait enregistré 18 découvertes en grottes, 10 en abri et 24 en site de plein air 43 ; une telle estimation est, certes, très limitée, vu que ce n est que dans la Péninsule Italique qu on a signalé plus de 60 découvertes de tombeaux situés en grottes 44, étant d ailleurs la région géographique au plus grand nombre de découvertes funéraires. En Espagne, pour la première partie du Paléolithique supérieur (Aurignacien), on signalait seulement 4 découvertes, et pour les cultures archéologiques ultérieures, jusqu au Mésolithique, plus de De la sorte, il faut procéder à un nécessaire encadrement culturel chronologique des découvertes de complexes mortuaires (incluant même les découvertes isolées, surtout pendant la 41 SOFFER, OTTE 2011, BINANT 1991, HENRY GAMBIER 2005, ARIAS, ALVAREZ FERNANDEZ 2004,

24 24 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA première partie du Paléolithique supérieur): le début de la période (l Aurignacien et les cultures archéologiques contemporaines: Ulluzzien, Szélettien etc.) et la seconde partie, le Gravettien l Epigravettien et d autres cultures archéologiques contemporaines: Solutréen, Magdalénien. D un autre côté, A. Palma di Cesnola 46 divise toute la période en deux entités: une période plus ancienne, allant de l Aurignacien Gravettien jusqu au début de l Epigravettien; et une période plus récente, comprenant l Epigravettien final. En France, les enterrements de type aurignacien sûr ne semblent pas être complètement assurés par les conditions de la découverte et du contexte archéologique. De la sorte, ni même les 5 squelettes de Cro Magnon ne semblent pas aurignaciens à coup sûr, à cause de l absence de certains éléments stratigraphiques. Mais, les fosses de tombeaux du niv. 8a de la grotte Cueva Morin, daté pendant l Aurignacien ancien, sont représentées par quatre fosses recouvertes de grandes pierres allongées, associées à un foyer daté autour de cal. BC; dans deux de celles ci (Morin I et III), ils ont observé des pseudomorphes de corps humains et animaux conservés grâce à «un processus de saponification» 47, étant considérés comme représentant les preuves d un comportement funéraire complexe, à l amputation de certaines parties anatomiques, fait unique dans tout le Paléolithique du monde. D autres découvertes ne marquent pas de manière sûre des enterrements, mais surtout des parties de squelettes, ce qui mène à l idée d une existence des pratiques cultuelles, datées pendant l Aurignacien : Mladec, Vogelherd, Isturitz, Brassempouy, La Quina (deux dents perforées), La Crouyade, Bise, Kentʹs Cavern, Fontana Nouva, avec la mention de l existence d un frontal de néanderthaloïde, dans la grotte Vindija, Croatie, dans un milieu à coup sûr Aurignacien, daté à ans BP 48. Malgré tout cela, A. Leroi Gourhan 49 considère que pendant le Paléolithique supérieur, de 46 PALMA DI CESNOLA 2003, ARIAS, ALVAREZ FERNANDEZ 2004, XXX ART ET CIVILISATIONS 1984; CHIRICA 1996; DJINDJIAN 1999, ; LEJEUNE 1995, ; TABORIN 1990, LEROI GOURHAN 1990, 48.

25 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 25 l Angleterre jusqu en Russie, il y a une stéréotypie des enterrements: la fouille de la fosse et la déposition du mort couvert d ocre rouge et à objets de parure, dont l importance n est pas esthétique, mais symbolique. Selon M. Otte 50, les données concernant le comportement religieux pendant le Paléolithique supérieur européen abondent, en appréciant que toute communauté humaine disposait pas seulement d un outillage lithique spécifique à la culture archéologique, un certain type d habitation, d aménagement et d exploitation de l espace, mais détenait aussi certaines catégories de valeurs, mythes et croyances, créant un équilibre de toute la société. Les découvertes archéologiques évoquent l existence de certaines croyances, pratiques comportementales, qui ne sont pas isolées, mais ont un caractère de continuité, d obligativité. Tel que nous avons précisé 51, pendant le Paléolithique supérieur l art a un caractère religieux, toutes ces créations, artistiques ou comme objets de parure, sont de nature religieuse. L homme s assume des responsabilités, puissances et caractéristiques, qu il s approprie par la transposition de son propre être dans l existence de l élément qu il veut subordonner par subordination, comme mode de comportement et de création artistique 52. Les découvertes datées pendant le Gravettien et l Epigravettien se multiplient, et leur valeur, prenant en considération les offrandes mortuaires, quelle qu en soit la nature, deviennent des éléments extrêmement importants pour la compréhension de la complexité de la vie des communautés humaines. Pour une plus facile compréhension de la complexité du phénomène funéraire pendant le Paléolithique supérieur européen, nous traiterons toute la problématique au niveau géographique (la Grande Plaine Russe, l Europe Centrale, Méridionale et Occidentale) et culturelchronologique Aurignacien Gravettien et Epigravettien, avec la prise obligatoire en considération et la présentation des catégories de 50 OTTE CHIRICA 1999, ; CHIRICA, BODI, CHIRICA CHIRICA, BODI, CHIRICA 2012.

26 26 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA dépositions: des offrandes de viande et bois d animaux, des objets de parure et d art mobilier, de pièces en silex ou en autres roches certaines taillées par les membres des communautés, des armes en os et bois d animaux, y compris les significations de ces offrandes, et surtout la présence, parfois abondante, de l ocre rouge. En Tchéquie (et en Moravie), il existe de nombreux enterrements à fosses spécialement aménagées, mais qui sont datés surtout pendant le Pavlovien morave. M. Oliva 53 a procédé à un inventaire des découvertes et de la problématique de celles ci. De la sorte, on apprécie que dans 7 sites on a découvert 10 sépultures qui contenaient approximativement 30 individus inhumés: Predmosti, fosse commune, à 18 squelettes (dont l un sans crâne), Brno II, Dolní VestoniceI/3 et 4, Dolní Vestonice II/13 16, Pavlov I 54 (fig. 7 ; fig. 21 ; fig. 25) auxquels on ajout les restes de squelettes féminins, à datation incertaine, de Brno Žabovresky et Svitávka 55. Nous ne présenterons pas les détails des découvertes mais nous signalerons aussi d autres opinions concernant le triple tombeau de Dolni Vestonice, à implications particulières en ce qui concerne les pratiques funéraires des membres de la communauté humaine. De la sorte, on a lancé l idée que le mort qui se trouvait au milieu n était pas nécessairement une femme, mais que dans la zone pubienne de celui ci on avait déposé un couteau en silex et une quantité d ocre rouge. Ce détail et, également, la certitude que son visage était pathologiquement déformé, à quoi il faut ajouter l orientation de la main de l inhumé déposé à sa droite, ont déterminé la plupart des spécialistes à considérer qu il s agissait d une jeune femme, et non pas une personne dont le sexe n était pas précisément établi. En ce qui concerne la découverte de Brno II, nous remarquons le grand nombre de dépositions rituelles: des restes faunistiques (défenses et omoplates de mammouth, crâne et côtes de rhinocéros, dents de cheval, bison, un os transformé de renne), des objets de parure faits de mollusques ( plus de OLIVA 2002, MASKA 1901, 12, ; BREUIL 1924, 24, ; MATIEGKA 1934; MAUDUIT 1949; SVOBODA 1987, 17, ; JELINEK 1991, 95, ; JELINEK 1992, ; KLIMA 1987, 37 38, 53 62; KOVANDA 1991, OLIVA 2002, 191.

27 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 27 exemplaires ), déposés autour du crâne, les fragments de la statuette masculine (la seule découverte dans le cadre d une sépulture gravettienne) 56, de nombreuses rondelles décorées, faites de molaires, défenses de mammouth, en pierre et en os, tout comme d autres objets de parure ou d art mobilier 57 (fig. 7). Des découvertes de restes paléoanthropologiques ont été aussi faites en Belgique. De la sorte, dans les grottes de Goyet on a signalé des restes humains dans les niveaux supérieurs, appartenant aux habitats de facture aurignacienne, de la troisième grotte 58, sans d autres précisions supplémentaires. Nous mentionnons aussi le fait qu il n existe pas la certitude d enterrements intentionnels. En ce qui concerne la découverte des deux crânes d Engis (considérés comme d âge moustérien), M. Otte 59 les attribue «à l occupation du Paléolithique supérieur ancien (Périgordien supérieur) représentée à Engis». Conformément aux observations du découvreur (P. C. Schmerling), le premier crâne appartenait à un adulte, et dans le sol qui le couvrait, qui n avait pas été dérangé après la déposition, on a découvert des dents de rhinocéros, de cheval, d hyène et d ours 60. L autre crâne («Engis II») appartenait à un jeune homme; associé à une dent d éléphant, on peut apprécier qu il ait appartenu au niveau moustérien 61. D autres découvertes paléoanthropologiques, appartenant au Paléolithique supérieur ancien de Belgique, signalées par les premiers découvreurs pendant la première moitié du 19 e siècle (Schmerling, ) et dans la seconde moitié du même siècle (Ed. Dupont, 1872) ne sont pas présentées comme appartenant à des enterrements intentionnels, et leur état fragmentaire semble démontrer qu elles étaient très dispersées dans les dépôts géologiques dans lesquels se trouvaient les niveaux d habitat archéologiques 62. En ce qui concerne les découvertes appartenant au 56 DELPORTE 1993, OLIVA 2002, fig ; KLIMA 1995; VALOCH 1959, OTTE 1979, OTTE 1979, OTTE 1979, OTTE 1979, OTTE 1979, 492.

28 28 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA Paléolithique supérieur récent, il semble que seulement dans les grottes Martinrive et Remouchamp on a signalé des restes paléoanthropologiques, mais sans un contexte archéologique, qui permettrait l appréciation de possibles enterrements. Nous mentionnons pourtant la découverte de certains objets de parure (collier?), (fig. 8), appréciés comme étant des offrandes parce qu ils ont été découverts en association avec des os humains: 13 phalanges et 19 dents. Tout l ensemble a été identifié sous une nappe stalagmitique, dans une fissure de la grotte (la zone «DD») 63. Dans les immenses espaces de la Plaine Russe on connaît deux grands centres à trouvailles funéraires: Sungir, au nord de Moscou et Kostenki, sur le Don. D ailleurs, les découvertes de Sungir appartiennent, du point de vue culturel, toujours à l espace kostenkien. A. Sinitsyn 64 a procédé à l établissement d une micro chronologie des découvertes de Kostenki, en trois étapes: groupe I, entre (40.000?) et ans, sans fosses de tombeaux, seulement à quelques découvertes isolées de restes humains; groupe II, entre et ans (avec la plupart des tombeaux organisés), et groupe III, entre et ans (avec les tombeaux de Kostenki 2 et 18). Nous croyons qu il est nécessaire de continuer notre démarche par la présentation du triple tombeau de Sungir, datée à environ ans BP: l homme et les deux enfants, mais tout le complexe clos contient peutêtre le plus riche inventaire funéraire de tout le Continent (fig. 9 ; fig. 10). Les trois morts ont été déposés étendus sur le dos, les enfants (un garçon de ans et une fille de 8 9 ans) étant placés à côté de l homme, mais en position tête à tête. L inventaire funéraire, très riche, de l homme, était représenté par: perles entières et fragmentaires en ivoire, 25 bracelets en ivoire (dont certains à traces de peinture, perforés aux bouts pour pouvoir être liés les uns aux autres), déposés dans la zone des avant bras et des cuisses, un pendentif en schiste, peint de rouge et à décor ponctiforme, déposé au cou, un autre pendentif zoomorphe, fragmentaire, à décor ponctiforme sur les deux surfaces, un disque en ivoire, perforé, 63 DEWEZ 1987, SINITSYN 2004, 237.

29 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 29 plusieurs dents de renard, perforées, des outils en pierre, parmi lesquels on remarque un couteau en silex. Le garçon avait comme offrandes déposées plus de perles en ivoire, 250 canines de renard polaire, perforées, un pendentif zoomorphe déposée sur la poitrine, une aiguille, au cou, en estimant qu elle fermait un accessoire vestimentaire, une sculpture zoomorphe sous l épaule gauche, un fragment de fémur humain, poli et rempli d ocre rouge (déposé sous la partie gauche du thorax), une lance en ivoire, longue de 2,42 m, un disque en ivoire, à perforation centrale et décorée à fils radiaux. La fille avait des offrandes mortuaires composées de: perles identiques aux autres personnes inhumées, déposées le long du corps, sur les deux parties, une lance en ivoire, mais de seulement 1,66 m, deux bâtons en bois d animaux, perforés, dont l un décoré à fils de points approfondis, trois disques à perforations centrales et à lignes radiales (comme dans le cas du garçon) 65. Les exégètes dans le domaine apprécient le caractère unique de ce complexe funéraire, peut être comme signe de l hiérarchisation sociale de la communauté à laquelle les morts appartenaient, mais nous considérons que beaucoup d aspects de la spiritualité de ce complexe funéraire échappe à notre compréhension actuelle; nous constatons, parmi d autres, la présence du fémur humain, appartenant à coup sûr à un individu non identifié, mais plein d ocre rouge, qui aurait dû servir, selon les critères du phénomène religieux, seulement au garçon et à la fille, parce que le corps de l homme avait été couvert d ocre rouge. En outre, si nous prenons en considération le fait que les deux enfants n ont pas été inhumés en même temps avec l homme, mais que leur descendance pourrait être une certitude, nous pourrions considérer que ceux ci auraient dû suivre, héréditairement, à la direction de la communauté, et les offrandes, spécifiques aux adultes, représentaient la consignation de leur maturité prochaine. Si nous ajoutons aussi les offrandes représentées par les restes de faune, nous constatons qu à Sungir nous avons le plus complexe monument funéraire de tout le Paléolithique supérieur européen. On confirme encore une fois l appréciation selon laquelle l homme a voulu s assumer, même par substitution, la suprématie par rapport au milieu 65 KOZLOWSKI 1992, 44 46; CHIRICA 1996, 33 35; DJINDJIAN, KOZLOWSKI, OTTE 1999.

30 30 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA naturel (le complexe faunistique) qu il dominait par la chasse. La sacralité de cette sépulture ne saurait pas mise en doute. A. Leroi Gourhan 66 écrivait que la pratique de l inhumation des morts constitue un trait significatif pour les préoccupations corrélées d habitude avec le sentiment religieux. Nous ajouterons certains détails concernant les rituels de l initiation des populations anciennes ou très anciennes, parce que nous croyons que les deux enfants de Sungir sont morts parce qu ils n ont pas survécu aux obligations de passage de l enfance à l état d adulte, de l état de profane à celui de sacré. Revenant aux sites sur le Don 67, on constate l existence des enterrements à tombeaux et fosses spéciales, dans le deuxième groupe d A. Sinitsyn: Kostenki 14, où la base de la fosse a été marquée par la déposition de l ocre rouge à travers toute sa surface, au dessus duquel on a déposé le corps d un jeune homme d environ 25 ans, en position très contractée. On n a pas trouvé parmi les offrandes mortuaires que trois éclats en silex, une phalange de mammouth et quelques os de lapin, dans le remplissage de la fosse. À Kostenki 15, le mort (un enfant de 6 7 ans) a été déposé en position assise, sur un couteau en os, dans le périmètre d une habitation, dans la fosse de forme ovale, au fond de laquelle on a déposé de l ocre rouge et jaune, sur un siège artificiel de deux types d argiles, jaune et gris, mais allogènes. Le tombeau a été couvert de terre et d os, y compris un omoplate fragmentaire de mammouth; par l éboulement de celui ci, les os de l inhumé ont été disloqués: le crâne est tombé d un côté de la fosse, et le reste du squelette, dans la partie opposée. Les offrandes funéraires étaient représentées par des pièces en silex, parmi lesquelles 10 grattoirs, 1 perçoir, lames et éclats (des produits secondaires de débitage) (fig. 11), un couteau, un lissoir, une aiguille en os, une coiffure avec plus de 150 dents de renard polaire, percées. On a aussi découvert d autres enterrements, du groupe Kostenki, appartenant au deuxième groupe, parmi lesquels on remarque celui du niveau II de Kostenki 8, où par l analyse des os crâniens on a constaté l existence des traces de forage, pratiqué sur l homme vivant, de ans, peut être le 66 LEROI GOURHAN 1983, VOL. I, ROGATCHEV 1959, 1,

31 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 31 plus ancien témoignage de la pratique de la trépanation. Nous précisons aussi le fait que certains fragments crâniens ont été soumis à l action du feu, étant tous localisés dans une habitation, près du foyer, à côté d autres restes osseux, probablement du même squelette. On a aussi remarqué qu à Kostenki 12, dans le niveau I le tombeau d un nouveau né, d environ 10 jours, dont le corps mesurait cm, était protégé de peaux d animaux. En ce site nous pourrions constater une pratique rituelle, observée aussi dans d autres sépultures du Portugal (v. infra), mais aussi dans le cas de certaines populations antiques, où le mort était rituellement enveloppé dans une peau d animal 68. La pratique peut être aussi identifiée dans le Christianisme, où le corps du mort est couvert d une toile blanche symbolisant le retour de celui ci à l état de pureté de l enfance, donc de la sainteté, du sacré. Du troisième groupe (le plus récent) nous remarquons les tombeaux de Kostenki 18, où à côté du tombeau proprement dit d un enfant de 9 10 ans, on a identifié trois fosses, probablement à fonctions sacrales. On n a pas déposé d offrandes, mais le tombeau a été couvert de grands os de mammouth, tout le complexe ayant les caractéristiques d une véritable crypte funéraire. On estime que les trois fosses qui accompagnaient le tombeau étaient des sépultures conventionnelles ou cénotaphes 69, car elles ne s encadraient pas parmi les fosses des habitations ou à déchets (fig. 12). Une autre découverte a été faite à Kostenki 2: une structure d habitat à une chambre allongée, où l on a découvert la partie inférieure d un squelette, y compris les côtes vertèbres, mais sans dépositions d offrandes. La partie supérieure du squelette ne se trouvait pas en connexion anatomique, étant située dans l habitation à 1,5 m du reste du squelette. On apprécie qu une crypte mortuaire à part a été construit, adhérant au mur de l habitation. Le corps du mort avait été couvert jusqu aux épaules, la tête et les bras à l extérieur, partiellement détruits pas des carnassières. Donc, un autre type d enterrement, sans offrandes et, peut être celui ci aussi enterré «en deux temps», comme certains enterrements du Paléolithique moyen, mais il ne faudrait pas 68 ELIADE 1992, PRASLOV, ROGACHEV 1982.

32 32 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA exclure l existence d une pratique punitive, même après la mort, pour des faits que nous ne connaissons pas. Nous ne saurions omettre non plus la possibilité de l existence de pratiques rituelles liées aux sacrifices humains, d après le «modèle» du sacrifice primordial. Un grand nombre d enterrements ont été découverts en Italie ( fig. 13/1 3 ; fig.14/1 3 ; fig. 15 ; fig. 16 ; fig. 17 ; fig. 27 ; fig. 27). On apprécie qu entre 1872 et 1905, en quatre grottes: Grotte des Enfants, Baousso da Tore, Barma Grande et Barma de Caviglione on a découvert 12 sépultures, dont 10 étaient antérieures à la date de ans BP. Les études récentes précisent l existence de plus 50 de sépultures (peut être même plus de 70), dont sept doubles et une triple, dans lesquelles on a enterré plus de 60 individus 70. Les spécialistes italiens 71 constatent au moins deux périodes chronologiques: «la période ancienne», Aurignacien Gravettien, et une période récente, le Paléolithique supérieur avancé, donc l Epigravettien final, chacun à enterrements qui ont certains traits spécifiques, bien que certains éléments funéraires se trouvent pendant les deux périodes. Mais, en Italie aussi, les premières découvertes, datant de la fin du XIX e siècle, auxquelles on ajoute parfois le manque d attention des découvreurs et le fait qu ils n ont pas laissé des descriptions détaillées du contexte des découvertes, a déterminé l existence de certaines ambiguïtés en parfaite concordance avec les encadrements chronologiques et culturels. De la plus ancienne étape du Paléolithique supérieur on remarque les découvertes mentionnées ci dessus. A Grimaldi Grotte des Enfants, (GA) deux tombeaux ont été datés entre et ans BP, donc ils étaient gravettiens, mais on n exclut pas leur datation pendant une étape initiale de l Epigravettien 72. GA 1 et 2 contenait deux enfants (d où le nom de la grotte), de 4 et 5 6 ans, allongés sur le dos, côte à côte, mais le bassin de chacun d entre eux était entouré d une «ceinture» de plus d un millier de coquillage perforés. GE 3 était une femme adulte, associée à de nombreux coquillages (Trochus), déposée avec un/une adolescent(e) (GE 6) ; GE 4 était un homme adulte, étendu sur son dos, allongé, les bras pliés; les 70 GIACOBINI 1999, PALMA DI CESNOLA 2003, ; HENRY GAMBIER 2005, GIACOBINI 1999, 30.

33 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 33 offrandes funéraires étaient formées de coquilles perforées, outils en silex, dents de cerf perforées ; la tête et les pieds étaient couverts de structures en pierre, déposées, selon nous, dans le même but: pour ne pas laisser le mort quitter «l endroit éternel» (fig. 13, 1, 3). A Barma Grande (= BG) un tombeau (BG1) a été aménagé près de l entrée, à la profondeur de 8,40 m, un autre, triple (BG 2 3 4) à une distance de quelques mètres du premier, à 8,00 m profondeur; deux autres tombeaux BG 5 6) ont été aménagés l un près de l autre, au fond de la grotte, à 6,40 m profondeur. Donc, il n existe pas la certitude de la contemporanéité ou de certaines relations de parenté entre les morts. Toutes les inhumations sont généralement datées entre BP et BP, et par ceci on suggère leur appartenance à l épigravettien; la présence des trois lames en silex, de 17, 23 et 26 cm longueur, des pendentifs gravés en os ou ivoire, des nombreuses coquilles perforées, des canines de cerf et de salmonides, à BG 2 3 4, semble notifier leur appartenance au Gravettien 73. BG 5 n avait pas de déposition d ocre rouge, mais le squelette était couvert de trois grandes pierres; est ce que les membres de cette communauté là craignaient le «retour» du mort (adulte, masculin) parmi eux? A Baousso da Torre on a découvert trois tombeaux (BT 1, 2, 3), rapprochés, à des profondeurs contenues entre 3,70 3,90 m, donc ils semblent être contemporains ; l inventaire funéraire était composé de pointes à base fendue, de type aurignacien, mais on estime que les défunts appartenaient à un groupe gravettien. Un autre tombeau de ce groupe, marqué par des incertitudes, a été découvert à Barma de Caviglione, dénommé aussi «L Homme de Menton» 74, ayant comme meubles funéraires des parures faites de coquillages. Donc, on observe 13 inhumés, à squelettes complets, seulement à petites destructions causées par des phénomènes géo pédologiques. Trois d entre eux étaient des adolescents, et 10 des adultes; cinq pourraient être des femmes. Huit individus appartenaient à des enterrements singuliers; à Barma Grande, les morts des tombeaux 2 et 3 4 ont été simultanément enterrés. La majorité étaient 73 HENRY GAMBIER 2005, GIACOBINI 1999, 30.

34 34 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA enterrés en decubitus dorsal, le long de la grotte ou à l entrée, dans la direction E O, mais on a identifié aussi des orientations N S, ou NE SO, à positions différentes du corps, des membres ou de la tête. L existence des fosses est sûre en certain cas et non dépistée dans d autres. Les offrandes funéraires étaient formées de coquilles perforées, de Ciclope neritea, Cyprae etc., canines de cerf perforées, parfois gravées, pendentifs en ivoire ou en os, et des vertèbres de salmonides ornaient les vêtements des morts. Nous ne croyons pas que la disposition des offrandes funéraires en association au corps ait quelque importance que ce soit, concernant les éventuelles pratiques des rituels d enterrement; certaines variantes, locales, spécifiques aux communautés humaines respectives ont pu pourtant exister ; en outre, les observations faites par les découvreurs ne sont pas très concluantes. On signale aussi des dépositions de grandes lames en silex (dans la main gauche, à BG 2 et 3; sous chaque épaule (BG 1), bois d animaux, dents de cervidés et de bovidés, d autres fragments d os étaient déposés autour du corps, à BG 2, 3, 4. L ocre rouge accompagnait chaque mort, étant abondamment déposé autour de la tête, mais aussi sur le corps, surtout à BT 3 et BG 6). La Grotte d Arene Candide (fig. 14/3 ; fig. 15 ; fig. 16) a offert, par les 16 sépultures paléolithiques 75, une sépulture très bien conservée, datée à BP qui appartenait à un adolescent, déposé en decubitus dorsal, dans une fosse aménagée avec ocre rouge à la base et sur tout son intérieur; c est la célèbre sépulture du «Jeune Prince». Les offrandes étaient formées de coquilles de Ciclope neritea (surtout au niveau des genoux), et à la tête, des dents perforées, de cerf, des pendentifs gravés, en os ou en ivoire; un possible accessoire vestimentaire était orné d une queue d écureuil; une lame en silex, à la main droite, 4 bâtons percés, en corne d élan complétaient les offrandes. On remarque les 4 pendeloques en ivoire, parmi lesquelles trois proviennent de défenses de mammouth (fig. 15). Une grande lame en silex, de 25 cm, était déposée dans la main droite. Le squelette était couvert par ocre rouge. La tombe était située dans la première salle de la grotte, a une profondeur d environ 7 m. Comme dans d autres situations en Italie, l industrie lithique a été encadrée dans le 75 BROGLIO 1996,

35 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 35 Gravettien ou l Epigravettien 76. La sépulture est antérieure à ans BP 77. Nous précisons qu à Arene Candide on a découvert aussi les sépultures II, V IX, XI, mais celles ci ont été considérées comme étant d époque mésolithique, datées entre BP et BP 78, que nous n incluons pas dans notre démarche. Abri Tagliente (fig. 14/1 ; fig. 27) a offert une sépulture d âge épigravettien, d un mâle adulte; il est intéressant à signaler que le squelette était couvert (protégé?) de pierres, dont deux à décoration gravée, linéaire, respectivement, le profil d un lion et la tête de Bos primigenius; on ajoute, comme offrande, un fragment de cheville osseuse d un grand bovidé 79. Dans d autres sites: Abri Villabruna, Vado all Arancio, Grotte Maritza, Grotte Continenza on a découvert des squelettes d âge épigravettien, appartenant à des enfants, jeunes hommes ou adultes 80. On remarque l un des squelettes de Vado all Arancio, qui avait comme offrandes un fragment de mandibule de chevreuil, un molaire de cheval, un prémolaire d aurochs, des galets, coquillages percés, 2 grattoirs et une troncature en silex; le second squelette appartenait à un enfant de 18 mois, ayant la tête sur un bloc de travertin, mais un autre bloc était déposé sur la poitrine. Dans la Grotte Continenza, le squelette d un adulte reposait au milieu d un cercle de pierres, sans fosse, sans crâne (apparemment remplacée par quelques pierres), sans meubles funéraires 81 (fig. 14/2 ; fig. 17 ; fig. 26). Grotte Paglicci (fig. 13/2) a fourni deux autres sépultures (Pag. 15 et Pag. 25), datées à ans BP (Pag. 15) et ans BP (Pag. 25). Pag. 15 contenait un jeune homme de ans, enterrés sans fosse fouillée, mais le corps était protégé par une structure en pierres, à beaucoup d ocre rouge à travers tout le corps, avec un «diadème» de MARTINI, SARTI 1990, GIACOBINI, MALERBA 1995, GIACOBINI 1999, GIACOBINI 1999, 33; HENRY GAMBIER 2005, PALMA DI CESNOLA 1996, GIACOBINI 1999,

36 36 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA canines de cerf, perforées, sur la tête, d autres canines perforées étant déposées sur le cors, une coquille de Cyprae sur le thorax, des outils en os et en silex. Pag. 25 (dénommé Pag. 3 par G. Giacobini 82 ), contenait une jeune femme, déposée en decubitus dorsal, dans une fosse, à ocre rouge sur la tête, le bassin et les pieds, avec un «diadème» de 7 dents perforées, de cerf, sur la tête ; deux burins, un grattoir, une lame, un éclat en silex et un fragment de Pecten complétaient les offrandes funéraires 83. Dans d autres sites, surtout de grotte (Grotte delle Veneri, Grotte Romanelli, Grotte abri du Romito, Grottee San Teodoro, Ostumi), ont été découvertes dans des tombeaux simples ou doubles, en général, similaires à ceux déjà présentés. On remarque pourtant Ostumi 1, une jeune femme enterrée au terme de sa grossesse (le crâne du foetus était situé dans le petit bassin de la femme), situation unique dans le Paléolithique supérieur européen. Tous les squelettes étaient accompagnés d offrandes funéraires, en général les mêmes: canines perforées, coquilles perforées, ocre rouge etc. On peut constater que pendant le Paléolithique supérieur d Italie on a identifié plus de 16 enterrements gravettiens et plus de 35 épigravettiens, donc entre approximativement et ans BP. Partout, la préoccupation pour les morts est très attentivement manifestée. D ailleurs, E. Morin 84 écrivait qu il n existe pratiquement aucun groupe humain qui abandonne ses morts ou qui les abandonne sans rite. Mais, on constate certaines différences, probablement de rituel, local ou non, propres à certaines communautés humaines: en 12 cas, les fosses des tombeaux ont été remplies immédiatement, peut être pour la protection des morts déposés; tous les morts étaient couverts d ocre rouge, et l importance de ce fait doit être reliée à la croyance en résurrection, dans la protection sanguine des décédés; 82 GIACOBINI 1999, HENRY GAMBIER 2005, MORIN 1970, 33.

37 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 37 en ce qui concerne les caractéristiques des tombeaux, on a constaté l existence de 13 sépultures individuelles, 2 doubles et 1 triple. la déposition de grandes pierres sur le corps des enterrées, parfois sur les pieds, sur les pieds et la tête, sur la poitrine, peut démontrer, croyons nous, la peur de la résurrection des morts parmi les vivants, ces derniers prenant par conséquent des mesures de protection, surtout pour ce qui est des enfants de 2 3 ans, d où l on peut déduire l attention spéciale accordée aux non initiés ; il n y a pas d éléments anatomiques qui démontrent une éventuelle parenté biologique des défunts inhumés simultanément (mais seulement 3 sépultures peuvent entrer dans cette catégorie); nous croyons que la diversité de la position du corps et des membres ne constitue pas des détails ou des indices d éléments probables de rituel funéraire ; la déposition des offrandes funéraires était extrêmement importante pour les communautés de gravettiens et épigravettiens, surtout pour ces derniers, lorsque les dépositions mortuaires sont plus nombreuses et plus variées; Cyclope neritea est présente dans la grande majorité des défunts, quels que soient l âge et le sexe ; nous ne pouvons pas savoir (même si certains spécialistes cherchent à accréditer l idée de discriminations selon l âge et/ou le sexe 85, si les dépositions d offrandes étaient faites selon des canons obligatoires, ou étaient aléatoires, peut être aussi en fonction d une certaine situation sociale de la communauté humaine respective ou des défunts ; d autres détails concernant le comportement funéraire des communautés humaines gravettienne et épigravettiennes du territoire actuel de l Italie sont, selon nous, en dehors de notre démarche actuelle. La France est assez bien représentée du point de vue des enterrements du Paléolithique supérieur. Malheureusement, les découvertes ont été faites pendant la période du début des recherches et des fouilles paléolithiques, et leurs auteurs n ont pas toujours accordé l attention due aux complexes funéraires et n ont pas laissé de descriptions détaillées de leurs observations faites au moment de la 85 HENRY GAMBIER 2005, 223.

38 38 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA trouvaille. On remarque, pourtant, les découvertes de Combe Capelle, Cro Magnon, Roc de Sers, Cap Blanc, St. Germain, Bruniquel, La Madeleine, Laugerie Basse, Chancelade, Le Figurier, Les Hoteaux, à 21 squelettes, (fig. 18) d autres découvertes telles celles de Cap Roux, Marronnier etc. n étant pas incluses dans les synthèses présentées. Même la chronologie des découvertes reste imprécise 86 : des 12 sépultures prises en considérations comme étant plus exactes en ce qui concerne les conditions de la découverte et les éléments constitutifs, seulement deux plaident pour une datation d environ ans et 10, sous ans BP. La rareté des trouvailles du Paléolithique supérieur ancien (Aurignacien, Châtelperonien), leur absence pendant le Gravettien sont frappantes et créent, parmi les recherches paléolithiques, une situation unique pour l Europe Occidentale et Méridionale; il existe des indices concernant l existence du phénomène funéraire, de certaines différenciations en ce qui concerne les pratiques rituelles, surtout pendant la période magdalénienne, lorsque «l inhumation se fait plus fréquente et qu elle gagne tout le territoire paléolithique» 87. Avec plus de détails on a publié les tombeaux de la grotte du Figurier et de l abri du Cap Roux, en accordant une attention spéciale à la présence des offrandes funéraires des coquilles de Glycymeris violacenses, Nassarius circumcintcta, Nassarius gibbosula, Nassa (Arcularia) gibbosule, Nassa circumcinta, Nassa acrostyla (fig. 28 ; fig. 29), avec la précision de l un des découvreurs: «En effet, tandis que dans les Grottes de Menton nous avons découvert jusqu ici six squelettes humains d adultes et d enfants les premiers ornés de coquillages et de dents de cerfs percées, les seconds revêtus d une sorte de pagne exclusivement composé de coquillages tous de la même espèce Nassa neritea par contre nous n avons trouvé au Cap Roux d autres restes humains que les quelques débris épars çà et la au milieu d un foyer» 88. A. Leroi Gourhan 89 ajoute la découverte de Mas d Azil, Ariège, où en 1961 on a dégagé le crâne d une jeune femme, sans mandibule, et 86 QUENCHON 1976, QUENCHON 1976, ONORATINI, COMBIER 1995, LEROI GOURHAN 1990,

39 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 39 dans les orbites duquel on avait déposé deux plaquettes en os qui simulaient les yeux ; la découverte est d âge magdalénien. (fig. 19/2). Dans la Péninsule Ibérique, la période Gravettien Epigravettien se fait remarquer par une certaine augmentation du nombre des enterrements. On remarque, d abord, la découverte de Lagar Velho (Estremadura, Portugal) (fig. 19/1 ; fig. 20), où le corps d un enfant de 5 ans a été déposé près du mur de la grotte, à une profondeur de seulement 0,30 m, mais la fosse a été spécialement aménagée, et la sépulture a eu lieu selon un certain rituel, car le corps était déposé en position étendue sur le dos, aux pieds légèrement fléchés. Avant l inhumation, une branche de Pinus silvestris a été brûlée au fond de la fosse. Les auteurs des recherches ont interprété la présence de l ocre rouge dans tout le contenu de la fosse comme représentant le fait que le corps de l enfant a été enveloppé dans un linceul teinté, situation que nous avons rencontrée aussi dans d autres complexes funéraires européens ; le squelette d un lapereau incomplet se trouve près de la tibia droite de l enfant, et aussi deux pelvis de cerf, à chaque extrémité du corps, représentant, sans doute, des offrandes de viande ; quatre croches de cerf perforées, des fragments de crâne, deux coquilles de Littorina obtusata perforées complétaient les meubles funéraires 90 ; on peut ajouter les sépultures de La Cueva de Los Cannes (Asturias), d âge épipaléolithique 91 (fig. 22 ; fig. 23 ; fig. 24). D âge solutréen sont les quatre squelettes découverts dans la grotte Nerja (Andalusia, Espagne) appartiennent à trois adultes et un enfant en position foetale 92. Celui ci est, selon nous, le second tombeau d enfant non né, après celui d Italie (Ostumi 1). Il faut préciser que cette grotte a été aussi utilisée pendant toute la période Mésolithique Néolithique Chalcolithique, devenant, selon nous, un véritable sanctuaire des enterrements rituels préhistoriques. La grotte Tito Bustillo est, tel que nous l avons précisé à d autres occasions 93, un autre sanctuaire du Paléolithique supérieur européen, 90 ARIAS, ALVAREZ FERNÁNDEZ 2004, 222; ZILHAO, TRINKAUS 2002, ARIAS CABAL, GARALDA 1996, ARIAS, ALVAREZ FERNÁNDEZ 2004, CHIRICA 2006, 7 35; CHIRICA 2004,

40 40 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA site clef du Magdalénien ibérique, avec des éléments d art pariétal et des vestiges funéraires: une sépulture individuelle magdalénienne 94. En ce qui concerne le territoire carpato dniestréen, on peut ajouter la situation de Peştera cu Oase, Roumanie, sur laquelle B. Maurille 95 accepte qu il s agit d une découverte funéraire; la datation, de BP faite de ces ossements les plus vieux hommes modernes d Europe. Sur le Dniestr, à Cosăuți, Ilie Borziac a découvert les restes funéraires d un enfant, avec le squelette relativement bien conservé, orienté avec le crâne au nord ouest; la partie faciale du crâne était dirigée vers la cage thoracique, les os de la main droite étaient étendus le long du squelette et ceux de la main gauche, en position légèrement pliées. Le squelette a été découvert dans la couche archéologique 2b 96. Le Mésolithique est beaucoup mieux représenté du point de vue des découvertes funéraires, étant identifiés pas moins de 23 gisements à sépultures d inhumation, la plupart simples, mais ces aspects dépassent le cadre chronologique de notre démarche. Nous considérons qu il est nécessaire d ajouter des réflexions et considérations sur les diverses pratiques funéraires, dont nous ne trouvons l explication que dans l existence d autres processions et rituels des populations anciennes, mais que les exégètes du domaine ont aussi identifiées dans les pratiques des populations historiques 97. Nous avons identifié quelques très rares situations dans le cadre du phénomène funéraire : 1. La couverture des enfants a été réalisée soit dans la peau d un animal chassé, ou bien en divers textiles (Lagar Velho et Kostenki 12, niv. I), ce qui nous indique une activité domestique inconnue par les communautés humaines paléolithiques : l élaboration d articles de 94 ARIAS, ALVAREZ FERNÁNDEZ 2004, MAURILLE 2004, BORZIAC 1990, HUBERT, MAUSS 1899; VAN GENNEP 1909; LEVI STRAUSS 1970; LEVI STRAUSS 1989; MAY 1986; BINANT 1991; ELIADE 1991; ELIADE 1994; DURKHEIM 1995; GROENEN 1997.

41 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 41 vêtement; si l on constate que les premiers tissues ont été créées pendant le Paléolithique supérieur, pour des nécessités funéraires, on certifiera l idée qu à la base de toute création humaine a été le phénomène spirituel, religieux. S il ne s agit pas de phénomènes naturels (la destruction d articles de vêtement des adultes), nous constatons de ce point de vue également l attention spéciale accordée aux enfants, et l explication pourrait se trouver dans les rituels de l initiation, dans le sens qu on accordait une attention particulière aux enfants qui n ont pas eu la possibilité de passer par ces processions, à cause de l âge. 2. Dans la même série de manifestations on mentionne aussi la déposition de grandes dalles en pierre sur le corps inanimé des enfants, toujours d âges jeunes ou très jeunes: Vado all Arancio, mais aussi sur le corps de certains adultes, enterrés toujours sous des blocs de pierre, placés au dessus de différentes parties anatomiques du corps, ou ayant le corps entièrement couvert de pierres (Grotte des Enfants 4, Barma Grande 5, Abri Tagliente etc.). Nous considérons que ces membres de la communauté recevaient une attention spéciale, déterminée par la peur qu ils pourraient revenir parmi les vivants. Les motivations de ces éléments spécifiques seulement à certaines communautés ne peuvent être mises en évidence sans avoir un grand degré d incertitude. D ailleurs, une mise en parallèle avec le monde chrétien ne nous semble pas exagérée. On sait que ce n est qu après le baptême que l enfant reçoive son nom, comme épreuve d identité et il est accepté à droits égaux dans la communauté spirituelle de ses parents; mais, chez les Orthodoxes le baptême a lieu à une date qui tient de la volonté des parents, d habitude avant l âge d un an, alors que chez les Catholiques, le baptême prend place jusqu à l âge de 8 ans. De la sorte, gardant les proportions de notre analyse, il ne faut nous étonner qu on observe des situations quasi identiques dans le cas d enfants d âge différents, appartenant à des communautés différentes, de régions géographiques très distancées les unes des autres, et peut être aussi à des paliers chronologiques différents lorsque les pratiques cultuelles ont pu souffrir des enrichissements ou des appauvrissements remarquables. Nous n excluons non plus la possibilité que le passage se fût fait, dans le cas de certaines communautés paléolithiques, plusieurs fois,

42 42 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA d un cycle de vie à l autre, de sorte qu il aurait pu y avoir plusieurs arrangements en fonction de l âge. 3. En deux situation connues on a observé qu on a accordé la même attention marquante aux enfants non nés, à savoir à Nerja, en Espagne, et à Ostumi 1, en Italie (en ce dernier cas on a enterré la mère avec l enfant non né). Nous ne croyons pas qu il s agisse seulement de l attention spéciale accordée à cette catégorie de décédés, mais plutôt de leur inclusion parmi les membres de la communauté, même avant d être nés. En ce cas nous pouvons admettre l existence de la famille, ou au moins d un certain degré de parenté, évident du côté maternel. Certes, nous ne généralisons pas, car ceci contredirait un autre type d attention, faite aux non initiés, au dessus du corps desquels on a déposé des dalles en pierre. Nos observations se réfèrent aux communautés humaines qui ont enterré leurs morts selon des cérémonials spécifiques, déterminés par des croyances et pratiques propres. 4. Nous avons constaté l existence d autres situations spéciales : dans la Grotte Continenza, le squelette gisait au centre d un cercle de pierres, mais était décapité, évidemment de manière intentionnelle, parce que la tête n a pas été trouvée dans le contexte de la sépulture; à Cueva Morin I et III, on a constaté l amputation de certaines parties anatomiques du corps du défunt, sans pouvoir préciser le moment de l intervention anthropiques sur le mort; il peut s agir d interventions «chirurgicales» (telles celles de Kostenki 8, niv. II, où l on a observé la pratique possible de la trépanation, par la coupe et perforation du crâne); à Kostenki 2, on a observé une autre situation unique: la découverte du squelette debout, en position verticale, dans une fosse excavée spécialement, mais les membres supérieurs et la tête du personnage n existaient pas, les archéologues étant d avis que les carnassières les ont détruits; est ce nous sommes devant un cas d «exécution», par l abandon du condamné encore vivant? Mais il peut s agir aussi de sacrifices humains 98, comme éléments de responsabilité collective par rapport aux besoins de la communauté, ou par rapport aux différentes perturbations de l environnement. Il est impossible d en fournir la réponse en l absence de certains détails de la 98 HUBERT, MAUSS 1899.

43 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 43 découverte. Mais nous pouvons apprécier qu au fond, dans le cas des populations anciennes ou de l aube de l histoire, les manifestations de cannibalisme, de mort violente, par sacrifice humain, parfois suivie d anthropophagie, tout ceci et encore beaucoup d autres rituels, comme manifestations cultuelles, pouvaient prendre des dimensions et variantes multiples d actions, ayant toutes pour but de garder et multiplier la sacralité. D ailleurs, A. Leroi Gourhan 99 précise que Le cannibalisme rituel est indémontrable pour aucune époque du Paléolithique. Les documents suggèrent seulement que beaucoup d hommes étaient laissés sans sépultures at devores, les uns par leurs semblables, les autres par les bêtes. 5. La richesse et la variété des offrandes 100 peuvent être parfois des éléments qui certifient soit l existence de relations d échange entre les communautés humaines qui se trouvaient à des distances très grandes, soit l intense mobilité de celles ci, peut être même avec le but de trouver les supports nécessaires à la transformation en offrandes, tels les coquillages de Nassa, ou Cyclope neritea. Ce qui frappe est la déposition de «ceintures» faites de centaines (Brno II) ou même de milliers de coquilles perforées (Grotte des Enfants I et II), et de très nombreuses canines perforées, de renard ou de cerf, ce qui démontre un très grand effort de la part des membres de la communauté. 6. La triple sépulture de Sungir nous donne la possibilité d analyser, même partiellement, son contexte idéologique, spirituel, et de proposer certaines tentatives d interprétation. D abord, nous constatons que les deux enfants ont été enterrés à approximativement 1,5 m distance de l homme, ce qui nous permet d apprécier le fait comme n étant pas une coïncidence. Deuxièmement, nous considérons que la richesse des offrandes démontre pas seulement la possible situation sociale (et économique) du groupe (de la famille?) dans le cadre de la communauté, mais aussi une situation beaucoup plus complexe. Notre opinion est que nous pouvons être dans la situation de ces complexes procédures d initiation, parfois si dures, que la mort de ceux soumis aux rituels pouvait intervenir (car il pourrait y avoir plusieurs rituels ou un seul 99 LEROI GOURHAN 1990, DESBROSSE, FERIER, TABORIN 1976,

44 44 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA rituel complexe, à plusieurs étapes d exécution). Nous considérons ne pas exagérer d accepter (tel que d autres spécialistes en religions préhistoriques, antiques ou ethnologues l ont fait, qui étudient encore la vie spirituelle de certaines populations actuelles, mais restées à un niveau de comportement pré ou protohistorique) les cérémonies de passage comme faits réels. «L initiation est une longue suite de cérémonies ayant comme objet l introduction du jeune homme (souligné par nous) dans la vie religieuse: celui ci sort pour la première fois du monde profane dans lequel il a passé son enfance, pour pénétrer dans la sphère des choses sacrées...on dit qu à ce moment le jeune homme se meurt, car l être qu il était cesse d exister et qu une autre la remplace instantanément. Il renaît dans une forme nouvelle» 101. Mais à Sungir une petite fille (souligné par nous) est morte aussi, d âge similaire pas seulement le jeune homme. Donc, pouvons nous accepter l idée que là bas un personnage féminin a aussi participé aux rituels de la purification, du passage par les étapes de l initiation, une telle présence étant d habitude interdite parmi les jeunes hommes? «Des initiations féminines existent aussi», affirme M. Eliade 102, donc nous n excluons pas la possibilité que la petite fille de Sungir fût la victime des rituels qui pouvaient être encore plus compliqués, plus durs, car accédant au statut de femme, elle a accès complet et illimité à la sacralité, y compris à la sacralité de la procréation et à l accouchement. L initiation, comme la mort, comme l extase mystique, comme la connaissance absolue, comme la croyance, en Judéo christianisme, équivaut à un passage d un mode d être à un autre et réalise une véritable mutation ontologique 103. Les rites et rituels de l initiation ont été multiples, variés, même s ils se basaient au début sur une idéologie commune des populations qui les pratiquaient 104. Nous n analyserons pas et nous ne détaillerons pas au moins tout le cortège des canons, y compris les souffrances physiques auxquelles on soumet les personnes intéressées (et obligées) à entrer à droits complets dans la communauté. Tel que nous 101 DURKHEIM 1995, ELIADE 1992, ELIADE 1992, VAN GENNEP 1909; MAUREILLE 2004.

45 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 45 l avons déjà précisé 105, il existe souvent des mutilations réelles (l arrachement des dents, l amputation des doigts coupés, même des mains déformées, ces dernières étant «éternisées» sur les murailles des cavernes sanctuaires du Paléolithique supérieur européen), parce tout ceci est chargé du symbolisme de la mort 106, tout le rituel étant mis sous le signe du sacré, par lequel on décide la renaissance mystique, mais passant aussi par l une ou plusieurs phases de la Mort, d où renaît un nouvel homme, préparé pour la vie laïque, profane, mais aussi sacré. De la sorte, dans le déroulement de tout l ensemble du phénomène de l initiation, la mort physique de l initié peut se produire, suite à laquelle toute la communauté, croyons nous, assistant au déroulement du passage, s assume les conséquences, donc l enterrement avec le faste possible, avec une grande et variée richesse d offrandes. De la sorte, on pourrait expliquer l inégalable richesse et variété des offrandes avec lesquelles on a habillé les morts de Sungir. Mais, parce que les deux enfants / jeunes au seuil de la puberté n ont pas pu passer le seuil entre la vie et la mort physique, devenant des sacrifiés des croyances de la communauté, celle ci les a enterré avec la croyance à la résurrection; la preuve en est la quantité d ocre rouge, déposée sur le corps (ou les vêtements) de l adulte, et aussi le fémur humain, vidé du contenu naturel et rempli d ocre rouge, du périmètre de la sépulture du garçon. BIBLIOGRAPHIE ALEXANDRESCU, EM., OLARIU, A., SKOG, G., STENSTRÖM, K., R. HELLSBORG, R., Os fossiles humains des grottes Muierii et Cioclovina, Roumanie, L Anthropologie, Paris, 114, ARIAS CABAL, P., GARALDA, M. D., Les sépultures epipaléolithiques de La Cueva de Los Cannes (Asturias, Espagne), in OTTE, M. (dir.), Nature et Culture, Liège, CHIRICA 2006; CHIRICA, BODI, CHIRICA ELIADE 1992, 176.

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51 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 51 LEVI STRAUSS, Cl., Des symboles et leurs doublés, Paris. MARTINI, F., SARTI, L., La preistoria del Monte Cetona, Firenze. MASKA, K., La station paléolithique de Předmosti en Moravie (Autrische), L Anthropologie 12, MASSET, Cl., L étude des sépultures et la paléosociologie, in GARANGER, J. (dir.), La Préhistoire dans le monde. Nouvelle édition de la préhistoire d André Leroi Gourhan, Paris, MASSET, Cl., La mort aux périodes préhistoriques et protohistoriques ( à 750), in CRUBEZI, E., LORANS, E., MASSET, Cl., PERRIN, F., L. Tranoy (eds.), Anthropologie, archéologie funéraire et anthropologie de terrain, Paris, MATIEGKA, J., Homo Predmostensis. L Homme fossile de Přesmosti en Moravie (Tchécoslovaquie). I. Les crânes, Prague. MAUDUIT, J., Sépulture préhistorique à Věstonice (Tchécos.), BSPF, 46. MAUREILLE, B., SEMAL, P., CILLYS, J., Spy 2, second exemple néanderthalien d usure en cure dent a minima, dans XIV è Congrès UISPP, Pré Actes, Liège, 121. MAUREILLE, B Les origines de la culture. Les premières sépultures, Paris. MAY, F., Les sépultures préhistoriques. Etude critique, Paris. MORIN, E., 1970, L Homme et la Mort, Paris. OBERMAIER, H., Les restes humains quaternaires dans l Europe Centrale, L Anthropologie 16, OLIVA, Les pratiques funéraires dans le Pavlovien Morave : révision critique, Préhistoire Européenne 16 17/ , ONORATINI, G., Le Paléolithique supérieur dans le Bassin du Rhône, dans les Alpes et en Provence ( ), in Bilan , Forli, ONORATINI, G., Combier, J., Restes d enfant et parure de coquillages du site gravettien du Maronier (Saint Remèze Ardeche) : témoins de l expansion occidentale de la culture de tradition noaillienne méditerranéenne, in M. Otte (ed.), Nature et Culture. Coll. de Liège, 1993, Liège, OTTE, M., Le Paléolithique supérieur ancien en Belgique, Bruxelles. OTTE, M., Préhistoire des religions, Paris, Milan, Barcelone, Bonn. OTTE, M., (éd.), Nature et Culture. Coll. Int: de Liège, 1993, Liège.

52 52 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA OTTE, M., Le Paléolithique inférieur et moyen en Europe, Paris. OTTE, M., La Préhistoire, Paris, Bruxelles. OTTE, M., Le Gravettien en Europe Centrale, Brugge. OTTE, M., Arts et religions des Néandertaliens, Les Dossiers d Archéologie, nr. 345, mai juin, OTTE, M., 2011a. La population neandertalienne, Les Dossiers d Archéologie, nr. 345, mai juin, PALMA DI CESNOLA, A., Le Paléolithique supérieur en Italie méridionale ( ), in OTTE, M. (dir.), Le Paléolithique supérieur européen. Bilan quinquennal , Liège, PALMA DI CASNOLA, A., Evolution des rites funéraires du Paléolithique Supérieur italien dans le temps et l espace, in DERWICH, Elsz. (dir.), Préhistoire des Pratiques mortuaires. Paléolithique Mésolithique Néolithique, Actes du Symp. Int., Leuven, 1999, Liège, QUENCHON, G., Les sépultures des Hommes du Paléolithique supérieur, in DE LUMLEY, H. (dir.), La Préhistoire française, T. I, Les civilisations paléolithiques et mésolithiques de la France, Paris, PRASLOV, N., ROGACHEV, A. N., Palaeolithic of the Kostenki Borschevo Area on the River Don Results of Field Investigations. Leningrad (russe, resumé anglais), REINACH, Th., Religions et sociétés. Leçons professées à l Ecole des Hautes Etudes Sociales, Paris. RENAULT MISKOVSKY, J., GIRARD, M., THI MAI, B., La palynologie dans les sépultures, in VIALOU, D., RENAULT MISKOVSKI, J., PATOU MATHIS, M. (dir.), Comportaments des hommes du Paléolithique moyen et supérieur en Europe : territoire et milieu, Actes du Coll. Du G.D.R du CNRS, 2003, Liège, 2005, ROGATCHEV, A. N., La sépulture paléolithique de Kostienki (Markina Gora), Sovietskaja Ethnografija 1, SACCHI, D., VAQUER, J., Connaître la Préhistoire des Pyrénées, Bordeaux. SACCHI, D., Le Paléolithique supérieur en Pyrenees et en Languedoc méditerranéen ( ), in OTTE, M., (dir.), Le Paléolithique supérieur européen. Bilan quinquennal , Liège,

53 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 53 SINITSYN, A., Les sépultures de Kostenki : chronologie, attribution culturelle, rite funéraire, in OTTE, M., (dir.), La Spiritualité, Liège, SOFFER, O., The Upper Palaeolithic of the Central Russian Plain, New York. SVOBODA, J., 1987, Ein Jungpaläolitischen Körpergrab von Dolni Věstonice (Mähren), Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 17, TABORIN, Y., Les prémices de la parure, in FARIZY, C., Paléolithique moyen récent et Paléolithique supérieur ancien en Europe. Rupture et transition : éxamen critique des documents archéologiques. Actes du Coll.int. de Némours, 1988, Némours, TEILHOL, V., DEBENATH, A., La Chaise de Vouthon réconstitution de trois calottes crâniennes d enfants néandertaliens, in XIV è Congrès UISPP, Pré Actes, Liège, THOMA, A., L occipital de l Homme mindélien de Vértesszölös, L Anthropologie 70, THOMA, A., Human Tooth and Bone Remains from Vértesszölös, in KRETZOI, M., DOBOSI, V. T. (eds.), Vértesszölös, Site, Man and Culture, Budapest, TOUSSAINT, M., PIRSON, St., Les Néandertaliens mosans, in XIV è Congrès UISPP, Pré Actes, Liège, 121. ULRICH, H., Reconstitution of close biological Relationschips in Palaeolithic Burials, in Nature et Culture. Coll. Int. de Liège, 1993, Liège, VALOCH, K., Die Grabbeigaben, in JELINEK,J., PELISEK, J., VALOCH, K. (éds.), Der fossile Mensch Brno II. Anthropos, N. S., 1, Brno, VANDERMEERSCH, B., Les sépultures néandertaliennes, in DE LUMLEY, H. (éds.), La Préhistoire française, T. I, Les civilisations paléolithiques et mésolithiques de la France, Paris, ZILHAO, J., AUBRY, T., FAUSTINO CARVALHO, A. (eds), Les premiers homes modernes de la Péninsule Ibérique. Actes du Coll. de la Commission VIII de l UISPP, Vila Nova de Foz Côa, 1998, Lisboa, 2001,

54 54 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA ZILHAO J., TRINKAUS, E., Anatomie, contexte archéologique et sépulture de l enfant gravettien de l abri Lagar Velho (Lapedo, Leiria, Portugal), Praehistoria 3, ZILHAO, J., Burial evidence for the social differentiation of age classes in the Early Upper Paleolithic, in VIALOU, D., RENAULT MISKOVSKI, J., PATOU MATHIS, M. (dir.), Comportaments des hommes du Paléolithique moyen et supérieur en Europe : territoire et milieu, Actes du Coll. du G.D.R du CNRS, 2003, Liège,

55 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 55 ILLUSTRATIONS Fig. 1. Bilzingsleben (d après KOZLOWSKI, J. K. 1992).

56 56 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA Fig. 2. Atapuerca. 1, crâne; 2, biface; 3, sépulture (d après 6_cueva_mirador.html).

57 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 57 Fig, 3. Guatari (d après MASSET, C. 2000) Fig, 4. 1, Quasfzeh; 2, Kebara (d après MASSET, C. 2000).

58 58 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA 1 2 Fig. 5. 1, La Ferrassie, sépulture no. 5, enfant accompagné de 3 racloirs; 2, Le Moustier, sépulture no. 2, ossements et silex (d après OTTE, M. 1996).

59 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 59 Fig. 6. A, Quafzeh; B, Techik Tash; C, Skhul V, ossements animaux, associés aux défunts (d après OTTE, M. 1996).

60 60 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA Fig. 7. Brno 2. Rondelles associés aux défunts (d après OLIVA, M. 2002).

61 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 61 Fig. 8. Grotte de Remouchamps, reconstitution d un collier (d après DEWEZ, M. 1987).

62 62 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA Fig. 9. Sungir, offrandes (d après KOZLOWSKI, J. K. 1992).

63 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 63 Fig. 10. Le tombe de Sungir (d après KOZLOWSKI 1992).

64 64 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA Fig. 11. Offrandes de Kostenki 15 (d après SINITSYN, A. 2004).

65 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 65 Fig. 12. Kostenki 18. Cenotaphe (d après SINITSYN, A. 2004).

66 66 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA Fig , Grotte des Enfants, III; 2, Paglicci; 3, Grotte des Enfants, IV (d après PALMA DI CESNOLA, A. 2003).

67 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 67 Fig. 14. Sépultures: 1, Abri Tagliente ; 2, Vado all Arancio ; 3, Arene Candide I, II, IV, Va, Vb, Via, VIb, VII (d après PALMA DI CESNOLA, A. 2003).

68 68 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA Fig , Sépulture d Arene Candide ; A, B, C, D, pendentifs en ivoire (d après GIACOBINI, G., MALERBA, G. 1995).

69 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 69 Fig. 16. Sépultures d Arene Candide (d après MARTINI, F., SARTI, L. 1990).

70 70 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA Fig. 17. Sépulture de Grotte Continenza (d après GRIFONI CREMONESI, R. 2003).

71 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 71 Fig. 18. Distribution géographique des tombes et la position des squelletes en France (d après QUECHON, G. 1976).

72 72 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA 1 2 Fig , Lagar Velho 1, le tombe no. LVI ; 2, Mas d Azil, crâne féminine à les orbites garniés de rondelle d os. (1, d après ZILHAO, J., TRINKAUS, E ; 2, d après LEROI GOURHAN, A. 1990).

73 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 73 Fig. 20. Lagar Velho 1. Offrandes dans le tombe no. LVI (d après ZILHAO, J., TRINKAUS, E. 2002). Fig. 21. Predmosti. La réconstitution du plan des tombes (d après ULRICH, H. 1996).

74 74 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA Fig. 22. La Grotte Los Canes, sépulture no I (d après ARIAS CABAL, P., GARRALDA, M. D. 1996).

75 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 75 Fig. 23. La Grotte Los Canes, sépulture no II (d après ARIAS CABAL, P., GARRALDA, M. D. 1996). Fig. 24. La Grotte Los Canes, sépulture no III (d après ARIAS CABAL, P., GARRALDA, M. D. 1996).

76 76 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA Fig. 25. Dolni Vestonice, sépulture triple (d après JELINEK, J. 1992).

77 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 77 Fig. 26. Ripari Villabruna, le corp couvert aux pierres et aux offrandes par pierres peintes (d après BROGLIO, A., MONDINI, C., VILLABRUNA, A. 1992).

78 78 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA Fig. 27. Riparo Tagliente, le plan des fouilles (A), le corps couvert partiellement aux dalles en pierre (C); symbole féminine sur une dalle, dans le tombe (B) (d après BROGLIO, A. 1984).

79 Le phénomène funéraire dans le Paléolithique de l Europe 79 A B Fig. 28. Coquillages percés (A 1 31, B 1 11), fragment de rondelle (B 12), os hyoïde percé (B 13) et crâche perforée (B 14) découvertes dans les tombeaux (d après DESBROSSE, R., FERIER, J., TABORIN, Y. 1976).

80 80 VALENTIN CODRIN CHIRICA, GEORGE BODI, VASILE CHIRICA. Fig. 29. Coquillages percés découvertes dans les tombeaux (d après DESBROSSE, R., FERIER, J., TABORIN, Y. 1976)

81 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, THE EAST WEST ALIGNMENT IN NEOLITHIC ON THE SOUTH EASTERN ROMANIA IHARKA SZÜCS CSILLIK ALEXANDRA COMŞA 1 Keywords: east west alignement, neolithic necropolises, archaeoastronomy. Abstract: Alignment is a static orientation of some objects, or set of objects, in relation to others. In archaeoastronomy we can separate stone alignments (stone rows) and alignments connected with orientation (e.g. graves, or skeletons orientation). The object of our research is to emphasize the importance of orientation in the Neolithic time, which we can determine by using a magnetic compass. Our collected data led us to conclude that solar observation was the determinant of orientation. More particularly, the rising of the sun above the horizon and possibly, though less frequently, the setting sun, provided the alignment. It was possible to show a close correlation with sunrise, or sunset at feast days, that is, the day on which the venerated God was celebrated, at Easter and on true east, determined by equinoctial sunrise. We consider the orientation of burials in the Neolithic, on the south eastern Romanian territory. These necropolises (Cernica, Grǎdiştea Ulmilor, etc.) show clearly that the East West orientation was mostly taken. The Neolithic burials are aligned on that arc of the horizon where the Sun rises between the winter and summer solstices (solar arc) in a year. In the middle of the solar arc, of course, is also the zone within which Easter (spring and autumn equinoxes) falls. Rezumat: Autorii prezintă în acest studiu importanța orientării în neolitic, determinată prin utilizarea unui compas magnetic. Datele obținute conduc la concluzia că observația solară era factorul determinant al orientării. 1 Astronomical Observatory, Cluj Napoca; Vasile Pârvan Institute of Archaeology, Bucharest; iharka@math.ubbcluj.ro, alexcomsa63@yahoo.com.

82 82 IHARKA SZÜCS CSILLIK, ALEXANDRA COMŞA 1. Solar alignment It is very easy to observe and to predict the Sun periodicity at the sunrise and sunset, because it occurred in the same way in every year. It is not difficult to align buildings, settlements, graves and stones in connection with the Sun apparent motion (during the year the Earth moves around the Sun; as a result, the Sun appears to move around the sky once, in connection with the stars, as seen from the Earth). Fig. 1 Seasonal Solar Path On the Romanian territory there can be found many Neolithic necropolises, which, at a first glance, are disordered. But, when making a burial, or skeleton orientation (the skull direction shows the burial or, sometimes, only the skeleton direction) in connection with the Sun motion then we realize that the burials are in a very ordered position, in a so called solar arc distribution. The solar arc is the Sun motion on the horizon in a year. This is very easy to observe.

83 The East West Alignment in Neolithic 83 The other phenomenon, that is very simple to observe, is the analemma, which is the Sunʹs path, viewed from the same spot, at the same time of the day, for one year s time. Fig. 2 Analemma An analemma is the figure 8 loop you get when you mark the position of the Sun at the same time each day throughout the year. The top and bottom of the figure 8 correspond to the Solstices the Northern and Southern limits of the Sunʹs sky motion. The two Equinoxes find the Sun

84 84 IHARKA SZÜCS CSILLIK, ALEXANDRA COMŞA at points along the analemma curve exactly half way between the Solstices. The analemma could mean more for the Neolithic people than simple navigation; it could be their symbol of eternal life. 2. East west alignment The solar arc determination and the analemma observation can help to underline the importance of the orientation in the Neolithic time. Today we determine the orientation by using a magnetic compass. Our collected data led us to conclude that solar observation was the determinant of orientation. More particularly, the rising of the Sun above the horizon and the setting Sun, provided the alignment. We consider the orientation of burials in the Neolithic, on the southeastern Romanian territory. These necropolises (Cernica, Grǎdiştea Ulmilor, etc.) show clearly that the East West orientation was mostly taken. 3. Cernica necropolis On the Muntenia territory, the Cernica necropolis (4200 BC) is the greatest necropolis in the Neolithic age. It belongs to the Dudeşti and Boian cultures.

85 The East West Alignment in Neolithic 85 Fig. 3 Skeletons in Cernica necropolis The positions of the corpses were extende, or flexed. The funerary inventories are: dishes, flint blades, axes made of stone, beads, or pendants, bracelets made of Spondylus, meat offerings, ochre (dust, or clumps) on, or under the corpses. In the burials from Cernica cemetery was also discovered a pearl made of copper ore. The Gaussian distribution of the skeletons from this necropolis shows an east west orientation with an apex at spring autumn. This fact shows that the mortality rate grows in spring and autumn. This death rate can be connected with epidemics (influenza, hepatitis, encephalitis), or food missing (the end of winter).

86 86 IHARKA SZÜCS CSILLIK, ALEXANDRA COMŞA Fig. 4 East West orientation, Cernica The calculed solar arc for Cernica (see SZÜCS CSILLIK et al., 2010): 55 o o 55 (E) 235 o o 55 (W)

87 The East West Alignment in Neolithic 87 Fig. 5 Skeletons distribution, Cernica 4. Grădiştea Ulmilor necropolis At Grădiştea Ulmilor was discovered the biggest necropolis belonging to the Gumelnița culture ( BC). The funerary inventory consisting of: flint tools, copper pins with rhombic, two lobe or rhombic plate shaped head, biconical, or flat clay artifacts, bone tips, shell pearls (Dentalium), amber beads, a few golden artifacts.

88 88 IHARKA SZÜCS CSILLIK, ALEXANDRA COMŞA Most skeletons were crouched on the left side. In most cases the hands were bent at the elbows and laid with the palms opposite the faces. Fig. 6 Skeletons, Grădiştea Ulmilor On the normal distribution we can see that many skeletons are compromised between the sunrise solstice points.

89 The East West Alignment in Neolithic 89 Fig. 7 East West orientation, Grădiştea Ulmilor Some skeletons are orientated in the sunset direction, and some skeletons are not orientated in the Sun direction. Can be a social differentiation in the orientation of the skeletons, or a change in religious beliefs? The calculed solar arc for Grădiştea Ulmilor (see SZÜCS CSILLIK et al., 2010): 55 o o 55 (E) 235 o o 55 (W)

90 90 IHARKA SZÜCS CSILLIK, ALEXANDRA COMŞA Fig. 7 Skeletons distribution, Grădiştea Ulmilor 5. Conclusions Alignment studies represented an important part of the many Neolithic necropolises in Europe. The burials orientation acknowledges the wisdom of the ancient Neolithic people who buried their dead aligned with celestial events.

91 The East West Alignment in Neolithic 91 East west orientation. The Neolithic burials are aligned on that arc of the horizon where the Sun rises between the winter and summer solstices (solar arc) in a year. In the middle of the solar arc, of course, is also the zone within which Easter (spring and autumn equinoxes) falls. The East West astronomical orientation in the Cernica and Grădiştea Ulmilor Neolithic necropolises is evident, because it was practiced a form of solar cult: sunrise and sunset was observed within the limits of a burial ritual. From aligned skeletons rates of % (Cernica) and % (Grădiştea Ulmilor) are also comprised in annual oscillation of the Sun in azimuth. REFERENCES COMŞA, A., MAXIM, Z., SZÜCS CSILLIK, I., SZŰCS, I Cernica Overview 2009, UISPP 4th Commission (Data Management and Mathematical Methods in Archaeology), Budapest. COMŞA, A The interrelations between burial orientations and astronomy in the Balkan region, Analele Banatului 14, COMŞA, E., CANTACUZINO, GH Necropola neolitică de la Cernica, Bucharest. COMŞA, E Necropola gumelnițeană de la Vărăşti, Analele Banatului 4, , COMŞA, E Neoliticul pe teritoriul României. Considerații, Bucharest. SZÜCS CSILLIK, I., MAXIM, Z The skeletonsʹ astronomical orientation from the Neolithic necropolis Cernica, in 85th Birth Anniversary of the Romanian archaeologist Eugen Comşa. International Symposium, Bucharest. SZÜCS CSILLIK, I., COMSA, A., MAXIM, Z Archaeoastronomy in Romania, Romanian Astronomic Journal 20, Supplement, WITTMAN, A The obliquity of the ecliptic, Astronomy and Astrophysics 73,

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93 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, COPING WITH THE LANDSCAPE: SUBSISTENCE STRATEGIES OF LATE BRONZE AGE COMMUNITIES WITHIN THE BÂRLAD BASIN, EASTERN ROMANIA 1 ELENA VIERU 2 Keywords: the Bârlad Basin, Late Bronze Age, landscape, opportinities and constraints, strategies Abstract: The article is a sequence of a wider research concerning Late Bronze Age habitat in the basin of the Bârlad river (Eastern part of Romania). Though there are known few similar papers, the novelty of this one is given by the detailed analysis, whose main result is obtaining a wider perspective on a less studied region. The starting point is the database that recorded the Noua culture s sites from the specified region. From the purpuses of this article, I emphasise the identification of strategies used by Late Bronze Age communities to adapt to the peculiarities of the studied region. Rezumat: Articolul reprezintă o secvență a unei cercetări mai vaste axate pe analiza habitatului în perioada Bronzului târziu în bazinul râului Bârlad. Deşi sunt cunoscute studii similare, noutatea acestui demers constă în aprofundarea analizei (şi prin utilizarea unor metode preluate din alte domenii) precum şi realizarea unei imagini asupra unei regiuni mai puțin cercetate din această perspectivă. Baza analizei a constituit o catalogul descoperirilor care a înregistrat situri ale culturii Noua în spațiul menționat. Dintre finalitățile lucrării se evidențiază cea care vizează strategiile utilizate de comunitățile Bronzului târziu pentru a se plia pe particularitățile regiunii studiate. Introduction One of the basic missions of a culture is to generate behaviours compatible with survival 3. According to this idea the individuals are able to survive if they adapt to the peculiarities of the inhabited region through 1 This topic was subject to a paper presented, in a similar form, at the 17 th Annual Meeting of the EAA (section: Environmental Archaeology: the Interaction of Natural Science and Archaeology) held in Oslo, Norway during 14 th 18 th September Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iaşi, ella_vieru@yahoo.com. 3 LAYTON, UCKO 1999, 8.

94 94 ELENA VIERU culture, which amplifies the individuals capacities to transform and manipulate the environment 4. Moreover, the life of a community is not limited to the settlement 5. Thus, an analysis focused on the interaction communities environment has the potential to reveal possible ways in which Late Bronze Age human groups responded to the constraints and the opportunities offered by the Bârlad Basin. Aims and methods The present paper is divided into two major parts: the first consists in describing the main geographical features while the second section focuses on the impact of these peculiarities on individuals living. Delimiting the study area and defining the geographical background is the beginning point of this study. That is why this work examines at first evidence about the geographic, geomorphological, hydrologic and climatological framework. Moreover, it looks in particularly at the avantages and disadvantages of this region s traits for human groups. In order to do so, it was necessary to realise a wide database using data from archaeological literature, supplemented by the ones from my own research. It comprises currently c. 285 sites, out of which less than half are considered to be settlements. The distribution of the sites in the Bârlad basin has the potential to shed light on aspects of the relationship between individuals and environment (which looks in particularly at the settlement locations in order to understand its advantages for human groups), which is the subject to the second part of this study. I. The physical landscape and actual perceptions At the beginning of the Late Bronze Age, the communities of Noua culture occupied a significant area, limited eastward by Dniestr river, westward by the Apuseni Mt., to the north by Northern Carpathians and 4 LAYTON, UCKO 1999, DARWILL 1999, 108.

95 Coping with the Landscape 95 the southern limit is given by the Siret Prut confluence point (Fig. 1/a) 6. The studied region is limited only to a small part of this important territorial framework: the basin of Bârlad river, located in the Eastern part of Romania. The area we focus upon is the south western component of the Moldavian Plateau, which is not limited to west by the Pruth river, but continues in the north pontic region with Codru Bâcului Hills 7. a) The geographical peculiarities of the region Within this territorial framework, one can distinguish three main altitudinal levels. It is a transition area from higher hills (around 400 m) in the north to mounds (around 300 m) in the middle zone and to plain landscape (250 m 11 m) in the southern end (Fig. 1/b). As surface rocks, there are mainly clay, sand and limestone (in the northern half) and pebble, sand and loess in the rest 8. The area is very poor in metal resources, available being the wood, fauna and flora elements and the mentioned rocks 9. Taking into account that the chronological framework is the end of the Bronze Age, when bronze metallurgy reached its climax, the lack of raw metal resources must have been a serious constraint of the environment and also a challenge for this small scale communities. b) Hidrography and paleo hidrography Despite the fact that the study area seems rich in water supplies, the lack of rainfall can often lead to the drying up or to the frost of these small rivers (Fig. 2) 10. Moreover, the analysis of the phreatic and depth aquifer indicated that the Bârlad basin is also poor in water supplies. The main quantity of water, 65 75%, comes from rainfall and only % from the underground supplies 11. So, although in the central region of the Bârlad Basin there are substantial water supplies, these are too deep to 6 VULPE 2001, CHICIDEANU 2011, UNGUREANU 1993, MUTIHAC, STRATULAT, FECHET 2007, ROŞU 1983, PANTAZICĂ, APĂVĂLOAIE 1972, 26.

96 96 ELENA VIERU generate springs. So, as this resource was essential for subsistence, and because the droughts are frequent in this region 12, the most suitable areas, rich in springs and water supplies, were the lowlands. Though most of the streams are short, with minimum flow during the winter, they flood their valleys during the spring mostly due to the (torrential) rainfall regime and the low inclines 13 ; as a consequence, habitation in the proper valleys is not recommended 14. According to the geomorphological studies carried out in the Bârlad basin, during the second half of the Holocene the size of the river beds and paleo meanders were 4 5 times bigger than today (Fig. 3) 15. I believe this is another argument for the fact that river valleys were often flooded in the spring. The advantage of this process is that after flooding, the meadow vegetation was more abundand, therefore suitable for grazing 16. c) Paleo climate The location of the Bârlad Basin near the Black Sea, but also in the proximity of the mountainous area, influenced the climate, which is continental temperate, but with regional variations 17. Within the territorial framework, two micro climatic regions can be distiguished: the northern half with continental influences, and the southern part with steppe climatic elements 18. The northern region is directly influenced by the Syberian anticyclone, so winters are longer (surpassing with 70 to 110 days the calendar winter) and the frost lasts about days It is known that this phenomena lasted, in some cases, to days, especially in the steppe regions (ENCULESCU 1924, 43). 13 ROŞU 1983, RĂDOANE, RĂDOANE 2007, RĂDOANE, RĂDOANE 2004, Most vulnerable regions for flooding are the low levels of meadow (2 4 m), that nowadays remain around 15 days under water after flooding (PANTAZICĂ, APĂVĂLOAIE 1972, 28). 17 ROŞU 1983, ROŞU 1983, PANTAZICĂ, SCHRAM 1964, 202.

97 Coping with the Landscape 97 Late Bronze Age covers the last part of Subboreal. Despite earlier beliefs, recents studies have shown that this climatic phase (Subboreal) was far from being constant, uniform, with warm, arid climate 20. The pollen based quantitative reconstructions of Holocene climate, using two pollen sequences from NW Romania, revealed short termed climatic oscillations during this interval. One of the strongest occur during the XIII th XI th century B.C., when it could be seen a clear cooling interval, interpreted as a decline in all the climate parameters, excepting precipitation (Fig. 4) 21. The climatic conditions in this territorial framework were not very suitable for habitation: the winter were long, with low termperatures (frequently under 30º C), so a large amount of supplies was required for humans and their livestock. The summer was no better, because of the increased probability of droughts; if this phenomenon occurred 2 3 years successively, this could have had dramatic consequences. Another interesting point which remains to be further deepen is the impact of these climatic changes that occurred at the end of the Bronze Age. Coincidence or not, this climatic cooling excursion overlapped the end of Noua culture. In this context, a question arises: did that represent a constraint of the environment that caused sudden behaviour, that resulted in a better respond to this new challenge? Did the gradually changing climatic parameters generate an organic adaptation 22? It should not be overlooked the possibility that climate change may have been, to some extent, responsible for the cultural changes that marked the end of Noua culture. d) The paleo floristic spectrum The analysis of the paleo floristic spectrum indicates that the Bârlad basin is a transition region between two main ecological landscapes: central European in the northern part (forests of oak, 20 TOMESCU , FEURDEAN et alii 2008, KUNA 1995, 49.

98 98 ELENA VIERU hornbeam and also some steppe elements) 23 and the forest steppe and steppe in the southern part 24. The ecological traits of the region influenced aspects of the everyday life, like the economic activities or the diet of the communities. e) Soil types The soil types and their fertility influenced the crop productivity. The studied region is located at the interference of two main soil regions: chernozem, suitable for different types of plants, with high potential fertility for cereals (in the steppe region from east and south east, and also along the terraces of the rivers) and brown soil, suitable for forests and certain types of crops (in the central and north western part) 25. Preliminary concluding remarks In this region from South Eastern Europe, defined by some major geographical marks (Danube, Carpathian Mountains, Black Sea), the Basin of Bârlad river is an area of geographical, climatic and ecological transition from a plateau configuration to mountainous region (Eastern Carpathians) towards west and to plains (Romania Plain) in the southern part. It is not the most suitable area to live in: the rainfall is sometimes torrential, flooding, othertimes missing at all, causing drought, the water streams freeze or dry up. The continental climatic influences bring major thermic contrasts, with long, harsh winters, which is a major disadvantage for the communities and their livestocks. The region is also poor in metal resources, so important during the Bronze Age. The soil is predominantly brown, thus not very fertile and of low productivity for cereals. In these circumstances, a questions arises: which were the responses of the Late Bronze Age communities to the constraints and the opportunities of this region? 23 BĂCĂUANU et alii 1980, ROŞU 1983, BARBU 1987,

99 Coping with the Landscape 99 To outline some possible answers, I have been following several main aspects: the occupation of certain landforms, the access to water supplies, the exposure, the ecological potential, possible ways of replacing the missing raw materials. II. People and places The second part of this paper explores the possible interactions between Late Bronze Age communities and the inhabited environment. The starting idea of this analysis is that a settlement appears as a result of a community s predilection for a certain place, due to some advantages of the chosen setup. As a consequence, the study of sites distribution in relation to visible physical features has the potential to shed light on the reasons of Noua communities choices. a) Communities preference for certain landforms The database recorded so far around 285 Late Bronze Age sites in the Bârlad basin, out of which 180 are considered settlements. The distribution of all sites revealed clusters of settlements or nests (Fig. 5), but this can also be traced in another regions occupied by the communities of Noua culture 26. Analysing the landforms on which Late Bronze Age settlements were established, I could trace sites density along the rivervalleys, on lowlands (low terraces, lowest slopes of the hills, small mounds in river valleys, even the higher levels from the valleys, around 4 6 m relative altitude), most of them with steppe elements. Generally, the relative altitude of the settlements vs. river valleys is smaller than 10 m (Fig. 6/a, b) and only occasionally exceeds this threshold (Fig. 6/c). The advantages of these places are: immediate access to water supplies and to strong springs (avoiding the risk of flooding 27 ), productive soil (chernozem type), the availability of raw building materials (clay, pebble, wood). The rich pastures were stimulant for stock breeding and agriculture. On the 26 NICULICĂ 2006, DRĂGOI 1979, 7.

100 100 ELENA VIERU contrary, these emplacements have the inconvenience that don t offer strong natural protection or visibility on the surrounding region. The predilection for this specific physical features, though a feature of Noua culture, can be traced from the end of Middle Bronze Age (at settlements of the Monteoru culture: Pufeşti 28, Tercheşti 29, Cândeşti 30 ), and, at a certain extent, at the beginning of Early Iron Age 31. b) Location in relation to watercourses The analysis carried out reveals that around 72% of the identified settlements are less than 1,5 km far from a stream. So, this confirms the preference for locations very close to water streams 32, suitable for main economic activities: animal husbandry and, to a lesser extent, agriculture. If we regard these rivervalleys as pathways in a tripartite system (coreperiphery margin), then these communities are located in culturally permissive regions, permanently in contact with the dynamic cultural elements 33. The settlements located near a confluence represent about 44 per cent of the sites examined. The advantage of this location is the access from three sides (mostly V, S, E) to water, and it provides natural protection in a certain degree. The confluences were points of hydrographic convergence, so they provided more water supplies 34 ; if we accept that the river valleys were cultural pathways, then we can assess that confluences were places of cultural convergence. In order to see if Noua communities preferred certain types of water segments, I applied the Horton Strahler method to clasify the 28 FLORESCU, NICU, RĂDULESCU 1971, The authors of the investigations noted that the settlement has moved from the high plateau to the low slopes of the hill. 29 FLORESCU, CONSTANTINESCU 1967, FLORESCU, FLORESCU 1990, LÁSZLÓ 1976, This remark has been made since the first works on Noua culture settlements (PETRESCU DÎMBOVIȚA 1953, 448; FLORESCU 1964, 146). 33 BOLOHAN 2005, DRĂGOI 1979, 32.

101 Coping with the Landscape 101 streams 35. Therefore, in the Bârlad Basin there are 6 main water segments, first being the smallest tributary, and six being assigned to Bârlad river 36. I did not analyze the settlements placed in confluences. From the 110 settlements, most of the were located near small and medium size water segments (as shown in the chart below) and only 19% near big size water parts (5 th and 6 th orders). A possible interpretation to explain the avoidance of big streams is because of the high risk of flooding and also because the largest valleys were the most suitable ways for the others to come 37. Still, it seems that defence was not their main concerne, because they had no kind of fortifications, nor did they choose naturally defended locations. The analysis of settlement exposure indicated a suitable layout for most of them. Exposure, along with altitude and the slopes angles, influences directly the intensity of solar radiation 38. In 91%, the settlements have favourable exposure (they benefit of high values of the solar radiation, because the sunshines fall almost perpendicularly). These locations offer more heat, so necessary for people and their livestocks during long, cold winters. Also, this placement offers to the settlements 35 STRAHLER 1973, The length and water amount increase along with the number of the segment. STRAHLER 1973, BOTZAN 1984, LARION 2004,

102 102 ELENA VIERU naturally protection against the cold air flow coming from the north during the winters. c) The ecological landscape The main features of the landscape were, more assuredly, considered when choosing a place to settle down. Though there aren t, so far, studies about the paleo botanical evidence from LBA sites located in the Bârlad Basin 39, most likely agriculture was an important economic activity, as tools like sickles and grinders suggest 40. These smale scale communities had a mixed economy, stock breeding vs. agriculture, where the second must have been subsidiary. There are known some studies about paleo faunistic series from Noua sites. Though the small number of studies suggest that these preliminary remarks should be used with caution, some observations can be made still. The settlements located in steppe regions reveal small percentage of wild animal bones and this might be interpreted as remoteness from forested areas and also decreased interest for hunting, which, most likely, became a sporadic economic activity 41. The poximity to water most likely influenced the diet of the individuals; though a small number of fishbones and shells were found, they might not illustrate the real situation, because the soil acidity led even to the poor conservation on human and animal bones 42. d) Obtaining raw materials or replacing them? The lack of metal resources from this area must have been a serious problem for Late Bronze Age communities. How did they respond to this challenge: importing raw materials and products or using lower 39 There are known this kind of studies for Noua sites from Ukraine (Mahala, Sloboda Shiurezciy) that revealed an important number of carbonised grain seeds (SAVA, KAISER 2011, 461); a similar situation was recorded at Coslogeni settlement (PASHKEVICH 2003, 294). 40 Considered tools used predominantly in agriculture (SCORPAN 1995, 85 86). 41 CÂRCIUMARU 1996, HAIMOVICI 1965, 362.

103 Coping with the Landscape 103 quality raw materials, but more available? Most likely, the individuals used both strategies. The number of the known bronze items (around 180) of this region is very small comparing to the situation from the neighbouring Transilvanian metallurgical centre. Most of them are needles and sickles, so we are not talking of an important amount of metal; a possible explanation for this situation is the lack of metal resources, but the cultural specific of Noua communities should not be ignored. But the placement of the Bârlad Basin between two important metallurgical centres (Transilvanian and north pontic ones) and the available natural routes facilitated not only the circulation of people, but also of goods and technologies 43. Still, the small number of bronz tools suggests that the individuals must have used another types of raw material. The osteological remains from the sites are around 60 65% of the entire archaeological evidence. Therefore, this was highly available for individuals, so they used it for different bone tools, which simetimes imitate bronze shapes. Another type of resource used, but almost impossible to trace, is the wood. Though there are not any dendroarchaeological studies linked to my theme, this regions is known for its wood industries from old times. Recent approaches focused on the importance of salt for the prehistoric communities. Salt supply was necessary for communties specialized in stock breeding (especially during winter), both for animals, their products, humans 44, but also for leather working 45. Due to interdisciplinary recent projects, in the Moldavian Subcarpathians were discovered over 200 salt water springs; in the proximity of some of them prehistoric material was highlighted, Late Bronze Age included 46. Final remarks To conclude, the geographical, climatic and ecological features of the Bârlad Basin required the use of certain strategies which aimed for a 43 BOLOHAN 2005, GUIJARRO 2011, NESTEROV 1993, ALEXIANU et alii 2011, 7.

104 104 ELENA VIERU better adaptation of the communities to the region they lived in. But in order to adapt to the peculiarities of the landscape, they should have known them first, because inhabiting a place involves understanding that place due to earlier experiences. If we accept the Eastern origin of Noua culture (this means that it is more than a cultural fashion that travelled, but a progressive movement of people), another hypothesis arises: the communities adapted organically to the geographical particularities of the region, because they already had the experience of living in a similar geographical setting. The Moldavian Plateau ends at Dniestr, so the geographical settings are similar on the both sides of Pruth river. So, my hypothesis is that Noua communities progressively settled down in a region with specific geographical configuration, from which they had certain expectations on behalf of their previous experiences. Their experience/tradition enriched and diversified as human groups infiltrated further west, where they met different geographical and cultural areas. The contact with this new realities generated new behaviours in order to adapt to the peculiarities of the colonised regions 47. REFERENCES ALEXIANU, M., WELLER, O., BRIGAND, R., CURCĂ, R. G., COTIUGĂ, V., MOGA, I Salt Springs in Today s Rural World. An Etnoarchaeological Approach in Moldavia (Romania), in: Archaeology and Anthropology of Salt: A Diachronic Approach. Proceedings of the International Colloquium, 1 5 October 008, Al. I. Cuza University (Iaşi, Romania), M. ALEXIANU, O. WELLER, R. G. CURCĂ (eds.), Oxford, Atlasul Republicii Socialiste România 1972, Bucharest, sheet V 1. BARBU, N Geografia solurilor, Iaşi. 47 This work was supported by the the European Social Fund in Romania, under the responsibility of the Managing Authority for the Sectoral Operational Programme for Human Resources Development [grant POSDRU/CPP 107/DMI 1.5/S/78342].

105 Coping with the Landscape 105 BĂCĂUANU, V., BARBU, N., PANTAZICĂ, M., UNGUREANU, AL., CHIRIAC, D Podişul Moldovei natură, om, economie, Bucureşti. BOLOHAN, N The Danube, Balkans, and Northern Aegean. Trade routes, influences and buffer zones in the Late Bronze Age, in: Aegaeum 25, EMPORIA. Aegeans in the Central and Eastern Mediterranean. Proceedings of the 10 th International Aegean Conference/10 e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Athens, Italian School of Archaeology, April 2004, LAFFINEUR, R. GRECO, E. (eds.), Liège Austin, BOTZAN, M Apele în viața poporului român, Bucureşti. CÂRCIUMARU, M Paleoetnobotanica. Studii în preistoria şi protoistoria României (Istoria agriculturii din România), Iaşi. DARWILL, T The historic environment, historic landscapes, and spacetime action models in landscape archaeology, in UCKO, P. J., LAYTON, R. (eds.), The Archaeology and Anthropology of Landscape. Shaping your landscape, London New York, DRĂGOI, C Apele din Moldova: studiu de geografie economică (Rezumatul tezei de doctorat), Iaşi. ENCULESCU, P Zonele de vegetație lemnoasă din România în raport cu condițiunile oro hidrografice, climaterice, de sol şi de subsol, I, Bucureşti. FEURDEAN, A., KLOTZ, S., MOSBRUGGER, V., WOHLFARTH, B Pollen based quantitative reconstruction of Holocene climate variability in NW Romania, Palaeogeography, Paleaoclimatology, Palaeoecology 260, FLORESCU, A. C Contribuții la cunoaşterea culturii Noua, ArhMold 2 3, FLORESCU, M., CONSTANTINESCU, GHE Cercetări arheologice în aşezarea din epoca bronzului (cultura Monteoru) de la Tercheşti (r. Focşani, reg. Galați), SCIV 18, 2, FLORESCU, M., FLORESCU, A. C Unele observații cu privire la geneza culturii Noua în zonele de curbură ale Carpaților Răsăriteni, ArhMold 13, FLORESCU, M., NICU, M., RĂDULESCU, GHE Cîteva date referitoare la fazele tîrzii ale culturii Monteoru în lumina cercetărilor de la Pufeşti, MemAnt 3,

106 106 ELENA VIERU GUIJARRO, J. J The Beginning of the Salt Exploitation in Spain: Thinking about the Salt Exploitation in the Iberian Peninsula during Prehistoric Times, in: Archaeology and Anthropology of Salt: A Diachronic Approach. Proceedings of the International Colloquium, 1 5 October 008, Al. I. Cuza University (Iaşi, Romania), M. ALEXIANU, O. WELLER, R. G. CURCĂ (eds.), Oxford, HAIMOVICI, S Studiul particularităților morfologice ale scheletului unor animale domestice şi sălbatice descoperite în stațiunile epocii bronzului din România (Studiul paleofaunei din epoca bronzului), teză de doctorat, Iaşi. SAVA, E., KAISER, E Poselenie s zol nikami u sela Odaia Mičurin, Respublika Moldova (Arheologhičeskie i estestvennonaučnîe issledovaniia)/die Siedlung mit Aschehügeln beim dorf Odaia Miciurin, Republik Moldova (Archäologische und naturwissenschaftliche Untersuchungen), Chişinău. KUNA, M Pre historic Prehistory, in KUNA, M., VENCLOVÁ, N. (eds.). Whither Archaeology. Papers in honour of Evžen Neustupný, Praha, LARION, D Clima municipiului Vaslui, Iaşi. LÁSZLÓ, A Începuturile primei vârste a fierului pe teritoriul Moldovei unele rezultate şi probleme, CercIst 7, LAYTON, R., UCKO, P. J Introduction: gazing on the landscape and encountering the environment, in: The Archaeology and Anthropology of Landscape, P. J. UCKO, R. LAYTON (eds.), London and New York. MOTZOI CHICIDEANU, I Obiceiuri funerare în epoca bronzului la Dunărea Mijlocie şi Inferioară, I, II, Bucureşti. MUTIHAC, V., STRATULAT, M. I., FECHET, R. M Geologia României, Bucureşti. NESTEROV, V Blănurile de vânat. Recoltare, conservare, argăsire şi tăbăcire, Bucureşti. NICULICĂ, B. P Epoca mijlocie şi târzie a bronzului în Podişul Sucevei, teză de doctorat, Iaşi. PANTAZICĂ, M., APĂVĂLOAIE, M Rezervele de apă din bazinul Bârladului, AŞUI, secț. II, XVIII,

107 Coping with the Landscape 107 PANTAZICĂ, M., SCHRAM, M Contribuții la cunoaşterea regimului de îngheț al râurilor din bazinul Bârladului, St. cerc. Geogr. Ins. Ped. Bacău, PASHKEVICH, G Palaeoethnobotanical Evidence of Agriculture in the Steppe and the Forest steppe of East Europe in the Late Neolithic and Bronze Age, in: Prehistoric Steppe adaptation and the horse, M. LEVINE, C. RENFREW, K. BOYLE (eds.), Cambridge, PETRESCU DÎMBOVIȚA, M Contribuții la problema sfârşitului epocii bronzului şi începutului epocii fierului în Moldova, SCIV IV, 3 4, RĂDOANE, M., RĂDOANE, N Morfologia albiei râului Bârlad şi variabilitatea depozitelor actuale, Revista de geomorfologie 4 5, RĂDOANE, M., RĂDOANE, N Răspunsul unei albii adâncite în roci coezive la acțiunea factorilor de control naturali şi antropici, Studii şi cercetări de geografie, LIII LIV, ROŞU, AL Geografia fizică a României, Bucureşti. SCORPAN, C Terminologie arheologică selectivă. Tezaur de termeni, I, Bucureşti. STRAHLER, A. N Geografia fizică, Bucureşti. TOMESCU, M Holocenul date cronologice şi climatice, CA XI, I, UNGUREANU, AL Geografia podişurilor şi câmpiilor României, Iaşi. VULPE, AL Epoca metalelor, in PETRESCU DÎMBOVIȚA, M., VULPE, AL. (eds.), Istoria Românilor, I. Moştenirea timpurilor îndepărtate (coord. M. P), Bucureşti,

108 108 ELENA VIERU a) b) Figure 1. a) Region inhabited by Late Bronze Age (Noua culture) communities ; b) Location of the study area and the physical background (after Maria Rădoane, Nicolae Rădoane, 2007, fig. 1)

109 Coping with the Landscape 109 Figure 2. Map with main rivers from the Bârlad river s basin (after Atlasul Republicii Socialiste România 1972, sheet V 1)

110 110 ELENA VIERU Figure 3. The relationship between current meanders and paleo meanders the valley of Bârlad river downstream of Muntenii de Jos commune, Vaslui county (after Maria Rădoane, Nicolae Rădoane, 2004, fig. 11)

111 Coping with the Landscape 111 Legend: MAT mean annual temperature; MTC temperature of the coldest month; MTW temperature of the warmest month; MAP mean annual precipitation; The black curve mean values and the grey maximum and minimum values; The grey horizontal bars the time interval of major short term climatic changes. Figure 4. The reconstruction of Late Bronze Age climate, using pollen profiles from Steregoiu (up) and Preluca Țiganului (down) (Angelica Feurdean et allii, 2008, fig. 3; 4)

112 112 ELENA VIERU

113 Coping with the Landscape 113 a) Buhăieşti La Răşcanu b) Rateşu Cuzei La Chiuă c) Vultureşti Şanțul lui Racoviță Figure 6. Noua settlements from Buhăieşti La Răşcanu, Rateșu Cuzei La Chiuă and Vultureşti Şanțul lui Racoviță (personal archive: the photos were taken from the rivers banks)

114

115 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, DIGITALIZING PAPER DOCUMENTATION ON THE EXAMPLE OF AN EARLY CELTIC SETTLEMENT ALTDORF AM FRIEDHOF IN GERMANY, IN THE PROGRAM ARCVIEW 1 JULIA M. CHYLA 2 Keywords: Archaeological Information System, Altdorf Am Friedhof, Early Latène Period. Abstract: Changing paper documentation into digital one, guarantees easy access and transmission of information about archaeological sites and helps in creating new, more accurate data, which was not possible previously 3. An Archaeological Information System (abbreviation AIS) created from the digitized paper documentation should be easy put to use, enables quick and effective management of previously collected materials, and should allow the comparison of analysis, description of features and inventory of artifacts 4. Digitalization should also permit the visualization of the results in an understandable and interesting way. The documentation presented here comes from site Altdorf Am Friedhof in Germany and was made in traditional way. During excavation archaeologist discovered an early Celtic settlement, along with numerous deposits of daub, bone and pottery 5. All finds were documented in three dimensions, which allowed the use of GIS during interpretation of the results. This paper presents, point by point, the steps of computing a paper documentation to a digital one, and then creating an Archaeological Information System of the archaeological site. Rezumat: Autoarea prezintă documentația arheologică din aşezarea celtică Altdorf Am Friedhof, utilizând GIS în interpretarea rezultatelor. Articolul ilustrează paşii parcurşi de la documentația primară până la crearea unui Sistem Informațonal Arheologic al aşezării. 1 This topic was subject to a paper presented, in a similar form, at the 39th Annual Meeting of the CAA: Revive the Past, held in Bejing, China during 12 th 16 th April Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw, julia.chyla@gmail.com. 3 GILLINGS, WHEATLEY 2002, 3. 4 MIAŁDUŃ, MIRKOWSKA, RĄCZKOWSKI 2005, ENGELRDHARD, KOBYLIŃSKI, KRASNODĘBSKI 1993,

116 116 JULIA M. CHYLA STAGE ONE: DOCUMENTATION The first stage of the digitalization process revolves around gathering comprehensive information regarding the site along and making sure there is proper documentation. Firstly one ought to familiarize himself with the information regarding the history of the site. It is important to keep in mind that the site could have been excavated over long periods of time. Moreover different researchers might have been using different methods of documentation. Information regarding the methods used to excavate the site is crucial. One should distinguish which particular piece of data was documented and in what way. Moreover, one ought to read any previous publications about the site. Those are often the source of interpretations of the research data. Reviewing the documentation is also necessary in order to make out all the data to be digitalized in upcoming stages. After collecting all the relevant information one may ascertain what will be used and in what way. At the end of this stage it is possible to go ahead and plan the data base. The site Altdorf am Friedhof is located near Munich in southern Bavaria, Germany. A complex of 3 houses from the Early Iron Age was discovered there. The site was dated at about 450 B.C the transition between the late Hallstatt and Early La Téne period. Excavations first started in 1992 as a rescue excavation, due to the expansion of a nearby cemetery. The work was carried out by the Warsaw Academy of Science s, Archaeology and Ethnology Institute and the Bayerishes Landesamt für Denkmalpflege. Zbigniew Kobyliński and Doctor Bernd Engelhardt administered the project which continued until The site s first layer was 1,5 m thick and consisted of redeposited loess formed by a collapsed terrace forming the slope, under which the site was located. As it turns out, this is what helped preserve the 6 ENGELRDHARD, KOBYLIŃSKI, KRASNODĘBSKI 1993,

117 Digitalizing Paper Documentation 117 archaeological layers. Under the loess the archeologists encountered the settlement layer. In it features such as post holes pits, ovens and fire places were discovered. Finds included deposits of burnt daub and numerous deposits of pottery and animal bones, which were crushed but well preserved. The site was transcribed into a system of Cartesian coordinates, corresponding to geographic directions. The exploration was carried out with the use of wide area and stratigraphic methods. All the mentioned artifacts were documented in 3 dimensions. The exceptions were the deposits of solid daub, which were documented in 3D and square meters 7. In this study, the AIS was restricted to features documentation from 1994 and 1995, due to the great amount of deposits and limited time one had to may disposal (fig. 1). Figure 1. Area of digitized documentation The paper documentation was composed of secondary data drawings, made on sheets of paper about 2,1 meter per 90 cm. The following was documented: color drawings of the features, a general plan of the features and solid daub. They scales used were 1:20 and 1:10. The 7 KOBYLIŃSKI, KRASNODĘBSKI, WACH 1999, 278.

118 118 JULIA M. CHYLA tabular data contained inventories of: bones, pottery, daub and special finds. It lists data such as: inventory number, trench number, x,y and z (height) coordinates, a description of layers, number of fragments, date, place of storage and comments 8. After gathering the aforementioned data one planed data base, which would be used during the creation of AIS. Due to the type of data in this particular case it was decided to create a hybrid raster vector GIS. Features were depicted as polygons, ceramics, bones and special finds were points and deposits of daub became polygons and points. The colors of the point representations were chosen in accordance with the colors used on the site in order to distinguish the appearance of depositions. Consequently the following color codes were established: green for pottery, yellow for bones, blue for special finds and orange for daub. STAGE TWO: DIGITALIZATION Stage II was the digitalization, which began with scanning followed by preliminary raster data processing and the creation of tabular data. In the example site Altdorf Am Friedhof, a manual scanning technique was adopted due to the size of the sheets of paper on which the features were documented. The resolution of the raster was 600 dpi. The preliminary data processing, included cutting and straightening of rasters. This was required due to the adopted manual scanning technique and the possibility of errors resulting from an inaccurate application of paper into the scanner 9. In the end, a raster ready for vectorization was created. Tabular data was created by rewriting inventories into a computer spreadsheet. Only the most important information was copied into the Excel format. This included: inventory numbers, trench numbers, x, y and z coordinates, numbers of fragments and comments. 8 KOBYLIŃSKI, KRASNODĘBSKI, WACH 1999, MANIA 2009, 16.

119 Digitalizing Paper Documentation 119 STAGE THREE: PROGRAM During stage III a program was chosen. This was performed on the basis of requirements, needs and the range of information entered into AIS. In the AIS of Altdorf mostly raster (paper maps), vector and tabular data was used. Upon consideration, the program ArcView 9.3 was chosen to create the AIS. STAGE FOUR: CREATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL INFORMATION SYSTEM The final, stage IV was the creation of AIS. This stage was divided into steps. The first step was to establish a uniform naming pattern for the database. Afterwards the georeferencing and vectorization were carried out. An optional step was to create a 2, 5 dimension visualization of the site. The vocabulary was uniformed to ensure clarity during review of large quantities of files. Names were divided into different categories of data: points, polygons, rasters and analysis. Also a dictionary of abbreviation was created to help other users understand the database. Later all rasters were georeferenced transcribed in correct coordinates, as noted in the documentation. This formed the base for vectorization. The vectorization of polygons was done manually while the points were generated automatically. In this step it was important to remember about possible generalizations (one had to choose the degree of the raster s zoom). After the conclusion of those IV stages an Archaeological Information System was produced (fig. 2). The AIS of Altdorf Am Friedhof contained: vectors (a point representation of artifacts and a polygon representation of features), a raster of features (on the base of vectors), and a raster of the general plans in a scale of 1:100. Next a planigrafy was made, all documented artifacts were depicted on a plan of the site. One could identify any point and any polygon. A visualization in 2,5 dimension was an optional choice. It was made on the base of the raster, where the height (z values) of the features was depicted. This data was vectorized as points and the height was

120 120 JULIA M. CHYLA added to them as an attribute. Thus a TIN of every single feature was made. The TINs together with the 2,5 dimension point representation of artifacts constituted the visualization of the site. Figure 2. Archaeological Information System of Altdorf Am Friedhof CONCLUSIONS What is the benefit of the proposed steps of paper documents digitalization? In a nut shell: an Archaeological Information System, which is basically a digital copy of the documentation, allows for easy access to the data, visualization and analysis. The AIS of the site contains all information from the analog documentation and it is a computer version of planigraphy. Moreover, in the event that the original paper documentation is damaged or destroyed, the digital copy can serve as a backup, securing the preservation of the knowledge gathered from the site. AIS makes easy access to the data possible and allows for fast sharing of the information via server, or CD. Physical distance is no longer a factor. Visualizations help to illustrate the results of research in ways considered interesting and understandable to society at large. Most importantly, analysis gives us the possibility of obtaining new information

121 Digitalizing Paper Documentation 121 from a site that no longer exists. As we will demonstrate in the next paragraphs. ANALYSIS The first analytic tool employed in my work was average nearest neighbor analysis (abbreviation ANN). The result of this analysis distance helped in the creation of a buffer, which showed locations in which the amounts of artifacts were the same height as features 10. Buffers for bone distribution were also created which showed a clear area outside features, were a number of artifacts exist, but this information was very general. In the case of the second largest artifact collection, ceramics, this area is highlighted again, but it lacks details. Next, only the artifacts inside features were selected (fig. 3). Then, the average nearest neighbor distance was calculated again. The assumption was, that the spatial relation between artifacts inside the feature and those found outside them, could point out places were probable features could have existed, but did not show up in the soil during excavation. For bones and ceramics, the result of the average nearest neighbor analysis was exactly the same. 10 CONOLLY, LAKE 2006,

122 122 JULIA M. CHYLA Figure 3. Artifacts selected inside features In the next step, a buffer was created, using AAN result. Once again the same area outside the features appears in both bones and ceramics buffers (fig. 4). Figure 4. Buffer of bones

123 Digitalizing Paper Documentation 123 For a more detail results another analysis was done density analysis. The analysis of both the bones and the pottery the same the same areas outside of the archaeologically located features appeared. Thanks to the density analysis one could even see boarders of the new features (fig. 5). Figure 5. Bones density analysis Thus the process of documentation digitalization and its analysis has produced unexpected new information about a site, i.e. indicating the presence of features which had not been visible on the basis of soil color and texture recorded during the excavation. REFERENCES CONOLLY, J., LAKE, M Geographical Information Systems in Archaeology, Cambridge. ENGELRDHARD, B., KOBYLIŃSKI Z., KRASNODĘBSKI, D Ein besondere Hausbefund der frühen Latenezeit in Altdorf, Das archäologische Jahr in Bayern, GILLINGS, M., WHEATLEY, D Spatial technology and archaeology : the archeaological applications of GIS, London.

124 124 JULIA M. CHYLA GOODCHILD, M. F.,LONGLEY, P. A., MAGUIRE, D. J., RHIND, D. W GIS. Teoria i praktyka, Warszawa. JASIEWICZ, J Zastosowanie analiz geoinformacyjnych w badaniu dawnych procesów osadniczych, in: GIS platforma integracyjna geografii, edited by Z. ZWOLIŃSKI (ed.), Poznań, KOBYLIŃSKI, Z Polish German archaeological research in Bavaria and Saxony , Archeologia Polona 40, KOBYLIŃSKI, Z., KRASNODĘBSKI, D., WACH, D Praktyka szeroko płaszczyznowych wykopalisk ratowniczych in: Metodyka ratowniczych badań archeologicznych, Z. KOBYLIŃSKI (ed.), Warszawa, MANIA, W GIS w archeologii. Jak zacząć od zera?, accessed December 14, MIAŁDUŃ, J., MIRKOWSKA, I., RĄCZKOWSKI, W Wczesnośredniowieczne założenia obronne w Polsce północno wschodniej: projekt systemu informacji archeologicznej in: Biskupin i co dalej? Zdjęcia lotnicze w polskiej archeologii, J. NOWAKOWSKI, A. PRINKE, W. RĄCZKOWSKI (eds.), ZAPŁATA, R Archeologiczne studia nad przestrzenią. Zastosowanie Informatycznych Geograficznych Systemów w badaniach nad wczesnośredniowiecznym osadnictwem grodowym na Pomorzu, Poznań.

125 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, NOTE ÉPIGRAPHIQUE SUR LES VALERII DE L INSCRIPTION ISM V, LUCREȚIU MIHAILESCU BÎRLIBA Keywords: Troesmis, legio V Macedonica, Valerii. Abstract: The author presents a prosopographical note on Valerii mentioned in the inscription ISM V, 137 from Troesmis (Moesia Inferior), which consists in a list of freed soldiers at 134 AD. Rezumat: Autorul prezintă o notă prosopografică a persoanelor cu gentiliciul Valerius din inscripția ISM V, 137 de la Troesmis (Moesia Inferior), inscripție care conține listă a militarilor lăsați la vatră în anul 134 p. Chr. L inscription ISM V, 137 présente une liste des militaires libérés en 134, sous Hadrien, de la V e légion Macedonica. Le gentilice le plus souvent rencontré est celui de Valerius. 28 Valerii sont mentionnés dans notre texte. Les Valerii de la légion sont si nombreux et leurs lieux d origine sont si divers, qu il devient très difficile, sinon impossible, d avoir une moindre idée sur l origo de nos Valerii. Nous prenons seulement quelques exemples. C. Valerius Firmus, vétéran de la légion, provenant de Nicée (Bithynie), est commémoré à Troesmis. Un des soldats libérés en 134 s appelle Valerius Firmus et, en tenant compte que, pendant les guerres parthiques de Trajan il y a eu des recrutements en Orient, l hypothèse que les personnages soient identiques ne doit pas être exclue. Pourtant, nous sommes enclin à croire le contraire, car le soldat libéré aurait du mentionner la charge, custos armorum (?), qui apparaît dans l épitaphe de C. Valerius Firmus. Un autre C. Valerius Firmus, centurion de la legio I Italica, fait ériger un monument honorifique pour Tib. Claudius Pompeianus, en tant que consul (173 ap. J. C.) 2. C était le moment où cette légion avait repris le rôle de la V e légion Macedonica à Troesmis, mais il n est pas exclu que notre personnage a appartenu à une branche de C. 1 Cette note a été réalisée dans le cadre du projet IDEI 217/2011, code 0550, financé par le Conseil National pour la Recherche Scientifique de Roumanie (CNCS). Nous remercions le CNCS pour son support financier. 2 ISM V, 146.

126 126 LUCREȚIU MIHAILESCU BÎRLIBA Valerii de Troesmis. Nous avons déjà discuté sur la carrière de T. Valerius Marcianus, né dans le camp de la légion 3. Valerius Valens, tombé dans la guerre de Lucius Verus contre les Parthes, a le père d origine thrace 4. N oublions pas qu un L. Valerius Seutes, Bessus, apparaît dans une inscription à Aquincum 5. Il y a aussi d autres Valerii qui ont fait leur service dans la V e légion Macedonica, mais leur origine est difficile d identifier 6. D. Dana remarque avec raison que ce gentilice constitue une marque des militaires thraces enrôlés dans l armée romaine 7, mais il est vrai qu il est très souvent mentionné. Par conséquent, les Valerii libérés en 134 peuvent avoir une origine italienne ou des provinces occidentales de l Empire, aussi bien qu une origo d Orient, voir la guerre portée par Trajan contre les Parthes. BIBLIOGRAPHIE CONRAD, S Die Grabstelen aus Moesia Inferior. Untersuchungen zu Chronologie, Typologie und Ikonographie, Leipzig. DANA, D L impact de l onomastique latine sur les onomastiques indigènes dans l espace thrace, dans DONDIN PAYRE, M. (éd.), Les noms des personnes dans l Empire romain. Transformations, adaptation, évolution, Bordeaux, ZAHARIADE, M New Epigraphical finds in the Roman fort of Independența, Tulcea county, Dacia N.S. 34, ISM V, ISM V, AE 1933, Par exemple: ILB 432; ISM II, 193; V, 201, 221; AE 1946, 51; ZAHARIADE 1990, ; CONRAD 2004, DANA 2011,

127 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, MILITARIES FROM PANNONIA IN THE IMPERIAL FLEET AT MISENUM AND RAVENNA (FIRST THIRD CENTURIES AD). PROSOPOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS* IONUȚ ACRUDOAE 1 In classibus omnes remiges et nautae milites sunt. Ulpian, Digest., XXXVII, 13.1 Keywords: Roman Imperial Navy, Pannonians, prosopography Abstract: The Roman Imperial Navy from the first three centuries AD played a minor part from the military perspective, but from a social point of view, it helped in the incorporation of Barbarian populations in the Empire. The Pannonians represented a considerable percentage of the soldiers recruited in the fleet of Misenum and Ravenna during the Early Empire, among the Thracians, Dalmatians, Egyptians, or Syrians. In this case, our prosopographical analysis will underline the part taken by the Pannonians in the Roman Fleet, considerations about their ethnic or provincial origins, and some outlines of social, military, and demographical study. Rezumat: Flota imperială romană din primele trei secole p.chr. a jucat un rol minor pe plan militar dar, din punct de vedere social, a ajutat la integrarea populațiilor barbare în Imperiu. Pannonii au reprezentat, pe lângă thraci, dalmați, egipteni sau syrieni, un procentaj considerabil din soldații încorporați în flota de la Misenum şi Ravenna în timpul Principatului. Astfel, analiza prosopografică va reliefa rolul avut de pannoni în flota romană, subliniind câteva considerații despre originea lor etnică sau provincială, dar şi câteva aspecte sociale, militare şi demografice. Due to its ability to adapt and having the legion at its core, as the only terrestrial force which dominated the Mediterranean Sea basin for more than half a millennium, the Roman army included other elements, equally important: the auxiliary units and the fleet. Out of these, the fleet * This article was published with the financial support of the POSDRU 107/1.5/S/78342 Project, in cooperation with the Social European Fund, in the Sectorial Operational Programme of Human Resources Development Al. I. Cuza University Iaşi, ionutacrudoae@yahoo.com.

128 128 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE had a significant role, although not crucial in the history of the Roman army, from Republic to Empire. Thus, even since the end of the fourth century BC, then during the first Punic war ( BC) 2, Rome formed a military fleet that held the dyke against the Carthaginians skilled sailors who succeeded in controlling the Mediterranean 3. Rome also destroyed the pirate nests during the first century BC, under the command of Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus and it had a significant victory 4 at Actium that helped to shape a new form of government the Principate. After Actium, Octavianus Augustus formed three naval bases 5 : one from the nucleus of Marcus Antonius forces which surrendered to Marcus Agrippa, anchored at Forum Iulii (Frejus, in the south of France 6 ), but demobilized after a short time. The second, at Misenum, near Neapole, was used for the surveillance of the Tyrrhenian Sea. The last one, at Ravenna, in the northeast of Italy, on the shores of the Adriatic, also contributed to the surveillance of the Dalmatian shore 7. Each fleet included approximately 10,000 militaries, the fleet at Misenum being more important and more epigraphically representative than the one of Ravenna, which had gradually lost its status in favour of the latter, starting with the third century AD 8. During the Early Empire, the Roman military fleet no longer encountered significant dangers (the Mediterranean Sea had been turned into a Roman lake, Mare Nostrum) and it did not represent any attraction for the Roman citizens, due to less access to higher ranks, much greater in number and more approachable in the legions or even in the 2 Tit. Liv., XXII, LE GLAY, LE BOHEC, VOISIN 2007, Suet., Div. Aug., XVII. 5 There were many more military harbors, more or less important: Centumcellae (today s Civitavecchia), Ostia (where some of the sailors from Misenum were quartered), Aquileia, next to the harbors from the islands of Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily (CHAPOT 1967, 64 86; REDDÉ 1986, ). 6 For the history, the settlement and the structure of the harbor at Forum Iulii, see REDDÉ 1986, Suet., Div. Aug., XLIX; Tacit., Ann., IV, 5; SOUTHERN 2006, ECK 2000, 258.

129 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 129 auxiliary units 9. Nevertheless, the fleet contributed to the integration of the peregrini into the Roman world, namely the populations with experience and tradition in sailing (next to a big river or sea): Aegyptus, Syria, Thracia, Pannonia, Dalmatia 10 (an edifying example is the creation of the first legion Adiutrix with the sailors of Misenum 11, many of them of Dalmatian origin 12 ). This fact contributed to the Romanization of the recently conquered provinces and to the inclusion of those populations in oikoumene. Chester G. Starr, the author of a study on the military fleet during the Principate, underlines the percentage of the recruits from different areas of the Empire in the military marines, during the first two centuries AD. Thirty percent came from Pannonia, Thracia, Dalmatia, or Dacia, 24% from Asia Minor, Ionia, or Greece, 32% from Aegyptus and Syria, and 14% from Sardinia, Corsica, or Africa 13. In this study we will try to discover the validity of Chester Starr s statistics in accordance with our own epigraphic sources. Among the higher officers in the fleet of Misenum and Ravenna, a praefectus of equestrian rank held the highest position (he did not have a senatorial rank because the Roman military marine was not that important). This position allowed him to answer directly to the emperor. The next position was that of subpraefectus, still of equestrian rank, but with some military experience 14. The next higher ranks were: the navarchus (or tribunus classis 15 ) the leader of a squadron of ten ships; trierarchus he was in command of a 9 MILLER 1981, 73. We mention that all the militaries from the Roman fleet were free men (citizens or peregrini), and only in extreme cases were the slaves recruited. For the entire discussion and for the views of Mommsen, Cichorius, Chester Starr, Wickert, Kienast or Panciera about the legal status of the sailors, see REDDÉ 1986, PURCELL 2000, Tacit., Hist., II, SOUTHERN 2006, STARR 1941, Tacit., Hist., II, 100; CHAPOT 1967, ; D AMATO 2009, 9. For a complete list of the praefecti and subpraefecti from the fleets of Misenum and Ravenna, see REDDÉ 1986, CHAPOT 1967,

130 130 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE ship, usually a trireme 16, and centurio classiarius/classicus 17, the latter being lower than its homologous from the legion 18. The lower ranks (or the NCOs) were the principales and the immunes: optio, suboptio, armorum custos, signifer, gubernator (helmsman), pausarius, pitulus, velarius, proreta, nauphylax 19. In the last category of the fleet there were included the ordinary soldiers, all of them being free: miles classis, nautae (sailors) and remiges (rowers) 20. The military service in the fleet was established during emperor Claudius time at 26 years old, at the end of this period the peregrinus received Roman citizenship and a military certificate to prove this status 21. In the following pages we will focus on the essence of this study, namely the prosopography of the soldiers of Pannonian origin from the fleet at Misenum and Ravenna. The description and the spreading of the Celtic Illyric populations in the territory which was conventionally named Pannonia was the concern expressed by a few ancient sources, in a chronological order from Augustus 22, Plinius 23, Tacitus 24 or Frontinus 25. This is the reason why we do not insist on the invasion and creation of Pannonia province since the end of Augustus Principate and during Tiberius time 26, but only on the prosopographic analysis of the soldiers of Pannonian ethnical origin or from the Roman province of Pannonia. Since the end of the first century BC and the beginning of the first century AD, Pannonia represented a rich source of recruits for the Roman 16 CHAPOT 1967, Tacit., Ann., XIV, 8; Suet., Nero, XXIV. 18 D AMATO 2009, CHAPOT 1967, ; REDDÉ 1995, Tacit., Ann., XIV, 4; SADDINGTON 2007, SADDINGTON 2007, August., RG, I, Plin., Nat. Hist., III, These populations represented a Celtic Illyrian ethnical synthesis: Pannonians, Iasi, Colapiani, Breuci, Azals, Eravisci, Latov(b)ici, Varcians and so on. 24 Tacit., Germ., 1, 5, 28, Front., Strategemata, Liber II. 26 The most important works for the history of this province: MÓCSY 1974; LÁSZLÓ 1980, ; DZINO As regards its military history: NEMETH 2007; LÖRINCZ 2010.

131 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 131 army, initially for the auxiliary units and later, starting with the second century AD, for the legions as well. Besides the Gaul, Thracian, and Germanic populations, the populations from Pannonia formed numerous auxiliary units that took their name (so far, the epigraphic sources underlined five alae and 19 cohortes). The contribution to the Roman fleet was also significant, besides the recruits mentioned above from Thracia, Aegyptus, Syria, or Dalmatia. In our study, we will analyse each military in chronological order (and from each fleet: Misenum, Ravenna and unknown fleet) and depending on ranks: I. Higher military ranks; II. Lower military ranks; III. Milites; IV. Veterans. Where it is the case, we will also mention the family or the persons who commemorated each individual. The outlines of the prosopographic investigation are the following: 1. Full name (eventually affiliation and tribe), the military post and the person s origin; 2. Place of discovery and the date of the epigraphic source; 3. Soldier s age; 4. Military service; 5. Age of recruitment (if it is mentioned in the inscription; otherwise, one may estimate if there is information on the age at death and on the period of fulfilled military service); 6. Period of recruitment (estimated by subtracting the period of service out of the exact or estimated period on the inscription); 7. Analysis of the individual s career (when required); 8. Analogies with other epigraphic sources: presence of the same person in several inscriptions, relation to other people who had the same nomen gentile in order to establish the family relationship, and presence of certain officers or soldiers in different provinces. 9. The family of that particular soldier or the persons commemorating him. I. Higher military ranks THE FLEET AT MISENUM

132 132 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE As regards the military ranks of praefectus or subpraefectus, we do not know any inscription mentioning a person of Pannonian ethnicity or from the Roman province of Pannonia who would have obtained one of these military ranks, usually a privilege of the Roman citizens of equestrian rank. Hence, from the fleet of Misenum we will underline the cursus honorum for two centurions. 1. Liccaius Birso filio centurio classis Misenensis, from Marsunnia, Pannonia 27. This source is a military diploma discovered in Slavonski Camac, Pannonia Inferior, and dates from AD 71. This person was recruited in the fleet of Misenum, but didn t served the entire period in the roman army, the usual 26 years. We think that Liccaius was discharged before his time, and he might have been part of the militaries discharged by Vespasian before the end of their service, for their loyalty in the civil war of AD This soldier war recruited around years, served for an unknown number of years (maybe nearly 20), so in AD 71 Liccaius might have had 40 years. We do not know the exact date of his recruitment, but we think it was around AD 50. The cursus honorum of this officer might have been the following: 1. miles classis Misenensis (unknown date); 2. optio, suboptio, signifer (presumptive); 3. centurio classis Misenensis (uncertain date, certified in AD 71); 4. discharged veteranus (AD 71). The father of this military was a peregrinus from Pannonia. This is the only familiy member of Liccaius that we know of. However, because the military certificate was discovered in Pannonia Inferior, we believe that this officer, now a veteran with Roman citizenship, returned to his native land and, maybe, got involved in the local municipal activities. 2. Lucius Valerius Dazantis filio Ispanus centurio classis Misenensis, from Sirmium, Pannonia Inferior 28. The funerary inscription was found at 27 RMD IV, 204 = AE 1997, 1273 = AE 2001, CIL X, 3375; SPAUL 2002, 24. The nomen gentile Valerius is widespread in the second century AD, the second place after Aurelius; the Pannonians from the fleet with this nomen gentile are Lucius Valerius Ispanus and Caius Valerius Domitius (MÓCSY 1968, ).

133 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 133 Misenum and dates from the late first century, due to the presence of the Celtic name Dazas, but also to the mention of the soldier s native place, Flavia Sirmium, Pannonia. This town received the honours colonia during the Flavians in AD Nevertheless, the epigraphic source may have belonged to the second century, perhaps the second half, considering the frequent use of the word militavit at that time. Also, Valerius Ispanus served in Neptunus trireme. This officer was definitely a Roman citizen, a fact obvious considering the following observations: his position of centurio classiarius; Lucius Valerius Hispanus had an urban background, as he came from Sirmium; the fact that he had served in the Roman army for 37 years (he was a veteran; even if he was a peregrinus, he served for the compulsory 26 years in order to receive the citizenship) as he died at the age of 55. We do not know the reason for his late discharge, after 37 years of service, but there are two hypotheses. The first is that he was involved in a major conflict at the end of the first century AD (Domitian expeditions on the Danube) or at the beginning of the second century (Trajan s Dacian wars), thus he was given the higher rank of centurion in the fleet in Misenum. The second is that he remained in the fleet for the material benefits, without being discharged. The career path of this person might have been the following: 1. miles classis Misenensis; 2. optio, suboptio, signifer or other NCO post (presumptive); 3. centurio classis Misenensis. As regards Valerius Ispanus family, the funerary inscription mentions his father, Dazas, a typical Celtic Illyrian name. Dazas may have been part of an auxiliary unit, or, most probably, he had only been a peregrinus from Pannonia and his son was the first who entered the ranks of the Roman army, even if it was the lower category of military navy. Also, this officer is commemorated by his wife, Iunia Hygia, her name being formed of the Latin Iunia and the Greek Hygia, the latter meaning health, after the Goddess with the same name from the Greek pantheon. II. Lower military ranks

134 134 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE 1. Lucius Licinius Capito gubernator (helmsman) classis Misenensis, and a Pannonian native nationae (sic!) Pannonius 29. This source was discovered at Ostia Antica and dates from the second century AD because of the use of the term militavit. We notice that this man was a Roman citizen, fact suggested by the years of military service 45, and by the use of tria nomina for his name. The funerary inscription mentions the age at death as well, more precisely 63, so Licinius Capito had been recruited when he was around 18. We do not know if he had been a peregrinus before the recruitment and he received the citizenship after the discharge, or if he was a Roman citizen from a certain town in Pannonia (not mentioned in the inscription) and he wanted to join the fleet at Misenum. We incline toward the second version 30, even if Licinius Capito didn t focused on more prestigious military units and with greater opportunities for promotion than the imperial fleet (legions, praetorian guard). Obviously, with no real evidence, we can only suggest the motivation of this soldier in choosing the fleet. The presence of this soldier in Ostia Antica is normal, as part of the marines in the fleet at Misenum were stationed there. This occurred especially when they could not be sheltered in the same place or if there were no serious conflicts in the Tyrrhenian Sea. As regards the commemorators, Licinius Capito might or might not have had any relative alive; the inscription does not certify this fact. 2. Titus Flavius Firmus optio classis Misenensis, of Pannonian origin natione Pannonius 31. This funerary inscription was found in Misenum and dates from the second century AD. This soldier had this military rank and served in the quadrireme Fortuna at Misenum. The epigraphic source reveals that he had served 26 years and that he died at 45, so Titus Flavius 29 CIL XIV, 238; SPAUL 2002, 34. We mention here other militaries from the Roman fleet who were gubernatores: Lucius Octavius Elaites gubernator classis Germanicae (CIL XIII, 8323); Phallaeus Dioclis filius gubernator classis Ravennatis (CIL XI, 88); Marcus Antonius Lupus gubernator ex classe praetoria Misenense (CIL X, 3429). 30 Mócsy suggests that this person s name has a italic or gallo germanic background, and he was the son of a colonist from these areas (MÓCSY 1968, 306). 31 CIL X, 3465; SPAUL 2002, 27.

135 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 135 Firmus had been recruited at 19. In this case, we cannot be sure of him being a citizen, although he had served for 26 years in the fleet of Misenum, because we do not know whether he had been already discharged or died before this moment, without receiving the Roman citizenship. Nevertheless, considering the Roman name of this soldier, we emitted two hypotheses. The first is that he was the son of a soldier who had received the citizenship during the Flavians (69 96), and Titus Flavius Firmus had automatically received the citizenship from his father and had quickly advanced in the military hierarchy. The second is that he had been recruited in the second half of the first century AD and that he had received the citizenship during the last years of Domitian reign. However, knowing the name of the commemorator, Aelius Valerianus, we can assign the date of the inscription in the first half of the second century. We tend to believe that Titus Flavius Firmus was recruited at the beginning of the second century and that he owed the citizenship to his father, even if he is not mentioned. The career path of this NCO was the following: 1. miles classis Misenensis; 2. optio classis Misenensis. The name of Titus Flavius Firmus appears in several epigraphic sources: a veteran of the second Adiutrix legion from AD , an evocatus Augusti from the second century 33, or the praefectus alae I Noricorum during the time of Antoninus Pius (AD ) 34. Nonetheless, considering the positions and the dates in these sources, we cannot establish any clear connection between this soldier and the abovementioned persons. 3. Caius Valerius Domitius optio classis praetoriae Misenensis, of Pannonian origin natione Pannonius, served in the Pax trireme 35. The funerary inscription was discovered in Seleucia Pieriae (today Samandagi), province of Syria, and dates from the second century AD. Taking into account the time and that he came from the province of Pannonia, from a 32 CIL III, CIL VI, CIL XIII, AE 1939, 216. Another optio III Pacis is Marcus Iulius Nepotianus natione Aegyptus (CIL X, 3470).

136 136 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE town or village not mentioned in the funerary inscription, we think that we was a Roman citizen. The period of recruitment can only be assumed from the text of the epigraphic source, most probably in the second half of the second century AD. Caius Valerius Domitius had died at 45 and served for 21 years in the fleet at Misenum, which means he had joined the army at around 24 years old. This fact underlines that he was already a Roman citizen and his conscription was voluntary, probably for financial reasons. Still, it does not explain why he chose the fleet over the legion or the auxiliary units. The inscription also mentions a commemorator, a heres whose name was not confirmed, probably a colleague, but we do not know whether he was from the fleet or from another unit. We underline this fact because the epigraphic source was discovered at Seleucia Pieriae, the province of Syria, far from the military base at Misenum. We can only speculate on Caius Valerius Domitius presence so far from the fleet headquarters. He was either gone in a mission in the East together with the fleet, or he was sent on a special duty. Also, he may have been transferred to another unit (legion, auxiliary unit), but he passed away soon after, on the way or in that particular town. However, an act of sale from a papyrus dated in the 24th of March 166 and discovered at Seleucia Pieriae mentions some militaries from a vexillation of the fleet at Misenum: actum Seleuciae Pieriae in castris in hibernis vexillationis cl(assis) pr(aetoriae) Misenatium 36. Even though the shores of Syria were under the control of the fleet at Ravenna, the cemetery from Seleucia set for the sailors numbered 15 soldiers from Misenum, four from Ravenna and three from the Syrian fleet 37. Thus, Valerius Domitius might have come at Seleucia Pieriae with the vexillation of the fleet from Misenum, most likely during the Parthian War of Lucius Verus CHAPOT 1967, The epigraphic sources mention another vexillation from the fleet at Misenum in Seleucia Pieriae, maybe in the second century AD (AE 1896, 21 = AE 1897, 51 = AE 1922, 135). 37 FORNI 1968, SEYRIG 1939, 451 sqq apud FORNI 1968, 275.

137 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 137 III. Milites If, in the case of the higher and lower ranks mentioned above, we consider few representatives, the situation changes when we highlight the simple soldiers (ex gregali, milites), attested in a considerable number in the epigraphic sources. Thus, among the soldiers of Pannonian origin at Misenum, we outline six inscriptions and military certificates that prove this status. Obviously, the fact that there are only milites cannot bring out spectacular aspects in a prosopographic analysis, but they seldom bring new and interesting information on the demographic, social, or even military plan. Starting with the second century once the Roman army had been regionalised, the settling of the local recruitment and the quiet atmosphere in the Empire, the presence of the soldiers from Pannonia in the imperial fleet increased considerably. 1. Lucius Terentius Sabinus miles classis praetoriae Misenensis, of Pannonian origin natione Pannonius 39. This source was found at Misenum and dates from the second century AD. Terentius Sabinus is a soldier in the Misenum fleet, being part of Salus trireme. The legal status of the deceased is uncertain. Probably Terentius Sabinus was a peregrinus (the absence of the affiliation is relevant in this case) and the presence in the fleet at Misenum confirms this fact. However, given his name, he might be a citizen 40 although the inscription should have mentioned the affiliation or, at least, the status of veteran and the commemorator considered it was useless to mention such an insignificant detail: he either received the citizenship after discharge, or he came from a town of Pannonia, but without having a note on this detail. We do not know the reasons for the absence of information regarding this person (age at death, period of military service, age at recruitment), although the inscription was rather well conserved: either the commemorator did not know the age of the deceased, or he did not believe it was important to mention it, the mere note on Terentius Sabinus on this epitaph being more than honourable for the remembrance of the 39 CIL X, 3639; SPAUL 2002, MÓCSY 1968, 306.

138 138 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE soldier. As regards the commemorator, he represents an element in the dating of the epigraphic source: Aelius Romanus, who was either recruited, or he received the citizenship during the reign of Hadrianus or Antoninus Pius. 2. Tiberius Claudius Masculus ex gregale classis praetoriae Misenensis, ex Pannonia 41. This soldier is attested in a military certificate from AD 145 and found in Carnuntum (today Bad Deutsch Altenburg), Pannonia Superior. Claudius Masculus was from the people of Boii, stated by Plinius in Naturalis Historia; this tribe lived around the colony of Savaria in Pannonia Superior 42. This person was recruited from Pannonia Superior as a peregrinus and received Roman citizenship when we was discharged during Antoninus Pius reign. If this person was recruited around years and served for the compulsory 26 years, he was probably 45 years old when he was discharged. In this case, we assume he was born near AD 100 and he was recruited in AD 119, at the beginning of Hadrian s reign. We don t know if he had participated in a military campaign, maybe in the defensive of the shores of Thyrrenian Sea. The father of Claudius Masculus was named Secundus, maybe a Roman citizen or, more likely, a peregrinus who served in an auxiliary unit and who received Roman citizenship at discharge. We do not know the fate of Claudius Masculus after this epigraphic mention. However, because the military certificate was discovered in Pannonia Superior, we assume he returned to his native land, where he is not mentioned in any other epigraphic source. 3. Caius Domitius Aper miles classis praetoriae Misenensis, from Pannonia Pannonius 43. This inscription was found at Eleusis, Achaia, and it s dated in the second century AD. Domitius Aper was probably a peregrinus, coming from Pannonia, as there isn t any mention about his home town. Moreover, he had enrolled in the fleet of Misenum which, 41 AE 2008, Plin., Nat. Hist., III, AE 1947, 84; SPAUL 2002, 39.

139 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 139 even if it required a longer period of service and lower pay than the auxiliary units, was safer and the ultimate benefit was the same: Roman citizenship for him and his descendants. Howerer, his name indicates a Roman citizen, maybe the son of a person who served in a legion or an auxiliary unit and who settled in Pannonia. Domitius Aper had died at 45, after 23 years of military service in the fleet at Misenum (we suppose he had served here the entire time; the inscription does not mention any other unit). Hence, he had been recruited a bit later than at the average age of 18 20, more precisely at the age of 22. Domitius Aper is commemorated by a ( )eius Maximus, possibly a colleague from the fleet, also his heir (heres), probably as he had no descendants or slaves. Also, the discovery of the inscription from Eleusis, in Achaia, raises a question as regards why this soldier was in the Greek region: was he there on a mission, on a leave and getting ready for an initiation in the Eleusinian mysteries, or finding the inscription in that territory was a mere accident? Considering that the epigraphic source does not offer any clarification for it, the reasons for his presence here are unknown. 4. Caius Cogitatius Valens manipularius classis (Misenensis), of Pannonian origin natione Pannonius 44. The inscription was found at Misenum and dates from the second century AD. Probably this soldier was a Roman citizen from Pannonia, because of his name. The rank of manipularius 45 is another name for miles (a soldier who served in a manipulus) and it represented the old structure of a legion during the Republic. Cogitatius Valens is among the few persons included in our research who died at an early age, namely at 25 years old, having served only for two years in the fleet of Misenum, on the Dacicus quadreme. We 44 CIL X, 3569; SPAUL 2002, The epigraphic sources mention a great number of manipularii: Caius Iulius Rhaesus manipularius ex triremi Fide, natione Bessus (AE 1949, 208); Titus Aurelius Secundus manipularius liburnae Iunonis, natione Aegyptus (AE 1979, 167); Caius Iulius Capitonius manipularius de triere Vesta (CIL X, 3585); Caius Iulius Silvanus manipularius ex liburna Iustitia, natione Bythinus (CIL X, 3492).

140 140 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE do not know the reason for his sudden death, but we support an objective reason (illness, accident), as the inscription would have mentioned if he had died in battle 46. This manipularius is commemorated by Natalis Victor and Valerius Velox. Given their names, they were either freed slaves of Cogitatius Valens, or, more likely, his colleagues on the quadreme at Misenum. 5. Marcus Marius Martialis miles/liburnarius 47 (classis Misenensis), from Pannonia natione Pannonius 48. The inscription was found at Misenum and dates from the second century AD. This military served in liburna Minerva 49 ; a liburnarius was a typical term in the military Roman navy, equivalent to miles. His Roman name, followed by his ethnical or provincial origin, leads to more confusion on his legal status. The absence of the affiliation and tribe suggests he was a peregrinus, but the fact that he had served for 26 years in the fleet suggests he could have been a veteran with Roman citizenship. Marius Martialis had died at 50 and he had been recruited quite late, around the age of 24. Still, because he is not remembered as veteranus, we suppose either that the soldier had died before receiving the Roman citizenship, or that he had received it a short time beforehand, but this detail was ignored in the inscription. Marius Martialis family is not mentioned in the inscription, which indicates the following: either he did not have time to start a family, or he intended to return to his native land to start a family there. Although, he might not have great interest for it and he wanted to spend the rest of his life in Misenum, where this epigraphic source was discovered. Also, this soldier is commemorated by a Veturius Quintianus, heres (heir), probably a 46 Other such examples of early deaths from the fleet at Misenum: Marcus Amonius Bassus natione Aegyptus, died at 25 years old, served for six years on Pollux trireme, in the fleet at Misenum (CIL X, 3514); Caius Aelius, who lived only 26 years, but we do not know how long he had served in the fleet (CIL X, 3394) Marcus Cassius Vitalis miles classis Misenensis, lived 25 years and 10 months, and so on. 47 The term of liburnarius is present untill the time of Notitia Dignitatum (Occ. XXXIV, 26 27; 40 41), but lost its meaning whom had during the High Empire (REDDÉ 1986, 110). 48 CIL X, For details on liburna, see PANCIERA 1956, apud REDDÉ 1986,

141 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 141 former colleague from the fleet, maybe from the same liburna, which included Marius Martialis as well. 6. ( )eri( ) miles classis praetoriae Misenensis, of Pannonian origin natione Pannonius 50. The funerary inscription was discovered in Rome and dates from the second century AD, confirmed by the term militavit. Also, this ignotus served on Perseus trireme (the name of the ship might be Perseus, but the source is quite unclear about this). As we lack crucial information for the prosopographic analysis unknown age at death, unknown duration of military service, we can outline only a brief biography of this person. His legal status is vague and we do not know if he was a peregrinus or a Roman citizen, as natione Pannonius may refer to a provincial origin namely Pannonia. However, this epigraphic source underlines the following aspects: he was an anonymous peregrinus, part of the fleet at Misenum; he had served around 20 years (supposing we has 40 or a bit older); he was in Rome (where the funerary inscription was found), probably in Castra Misenatium, where part of the soldiers in the fleet at Misenum were camped 51. The deceased was commemorated by another ignotus, probably a colleague from the same fleet and, maybe, from the same ship. IV. Veterans We will not insist on the status of the veterans in the Roman army as the numerous studies regarding this social category are more than relevant. We only underline their role, at least during the first two centuries of the Principate, in the provincial administration, in towns and colonies, as well as the evergetic aspect and their contribution to the Romanization and integration of the peregrini into oikoumene. Hence, from the first century we think that Liccaius was a veteran, and from the second century Tiberius Claudius Masculus, both soldiers confirmed in two military certificates from AD 71 and AD 145. In the second century, the following soldiers may have been veterans, taking into account the 26 (or 50 CIL VI, 3146; SPAUL 2002, WEBSTER 1985, 158.

142 142 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE more) years of compulsory service: Lucius Valerius Ispanus (37 years of service, mentioned only as a centurion); Titus Flavius Firmus (26 years of service; he probably died before being discharged); Marcus Marius Martialis (26 years of service; he is not mentioned as veteranus). However, they could have served a longer period without being discharged. 1. Caius Silius Fortis veteranus (classis Misenensis), of Pannonian origin natione Pannonius 52. The inscription was found at Misenum and dates from the second century. This soldier received the Roman citizenship after discharge, probably from the fleet at Misenum. The funerary monument does not clearly underline this fact, but taking into account the discovery place and the term natione Pannonius, we suppose that Silius Fortis had served in classis Misenensis. Silius Fortis had died at 55 and he was recruited at years old. Thus, if he had served for 26 years, he lived 10 more years in Misenum. He is commemorated by two women, Silia Macaria and Silia Onesime, but we do not know whether they were his daughters, or his freed slaves, considering the unclear character of the term on the inscription patr(i) or patr(ono). Most probably they were freed slaves, given the term libertae and the names Macaria and Onesime, underlined in the epigraphic source. 2. Lucius Licinius Capito gubernator et (evocatus?) classis Misenensis 53. However, there are two hypotheses for this soldier based on his 45 years of military service. The first is that he had served during the whole period in the fleet at Misenum and that he had not been discharged at all; we know several cases of soldiers who had exceeded the compulsory service period, although only a few reached 45 years. The second is that he had been discharged, but called again in the fleet for various reasons (turbulences, his experience in the fleet, and so on). In this case, he had been a veteran, and he became an evocatus when he returned to the fleet. Taking into account the grammar mistakes in Latin within the 52 CIL X, 3628; SPAUL 2002, CIL XIV, 238; SPAUL 2002, 34.

143 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 143 inscription (nationae!, classae! or Miseneniesi!), the 45 years of service may have constituted such a mistake, too. THE FLEET AT RAVENNA I. Higher military ranks 1. Velagenus Covionis f. Eraviscus centurio classis Ravennatis, of Eraviscan origin 54. This epigraphic source is a military certificate dated from AD 71 and discovered in a provincia incerta. Analysing this person s name and affiliation, we notice that it is of Celtic origin (Eravisci, to be precise). The Eravisci were neighbours with the Azali in the north and the Hercuniates in the south 55. Velagenus was recruited as peregrinus in the fleet of Ravenna around AD 45 or maybe later. Thereby, this source mentions the next phrase: ante emerita stipendia: quod se in expeditione belli fortiter industrieque gesserant ex auctorati sunt et deducti in Pannoniam He is part of the same list of people discharged before his time, as a reward for their loyalty for Vespasian in the civil war of AD As regards the age of this centurion, the military certificate is quite vague: supposing that Velagenus had been recruited around the age of 18 20, at the time of the demobilization he was about 40 years old. Also, the career path of this officer is the following: 1. miles classis Ravennatis (around AD 50); 2. optio, suboptio, signifer or other NCO post (presumptive, unknown date); 3. centurio classis Ravennatis (uncertain time, but confirmed in AD 71); 4. discharged veteranus (AD 71). The family of the centurion analysed includes only his father, Covio, possibly a soldier of an auxiliary unit, due to whom Velagenus ascended to the rank of centurio classiarius. Nevertheless, this soldier s father may have been remembered only for the adjudication of Velagenus origin, without having a rank in the Roman army. Thus, the centurion would have already had the Roman citizenship and even the right to enrol in a legion. Also, the military certificate mentions as witnesses a few 54 RMD IV, 205 = AE 2002, 1771 = AE 2004, 89 = AE 2007, 93; CHIRIAC, MIHAILESCU BÎRLIBA, MATEI 2004, Plin., Nat. Hist., III, RMD IV, 205 = AE 2002, 1771 = AE 2004, 89 = AE 2007, 93.

144 144 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE representatives of Pannonian origin: Titus Flavius Serenus princeps Iasiorum, Licconis, son of Davus princeps Breucorum, Caledonis, son of Sammonis princeps Boiorum, and so on. These witnesses were peregrini (the ones with one name), white others were awarded Roman citizenship by Vespasian the case of Flavius Serenus. These people were the leaders of the tribes in Pannonia who went to Rome to acknowledge the new emperor Vespasian and to request Roman citizenship as reward for their loyalty in the civil war of AD The presence of the name Velagenus in other epigraphic sources doesn t prove it is the same person, as this nomen was rather common amongst the Celtic populations 58. II. Lower military ranks 1. Caius Aelius Censorinus optio classis praetoriae Ravennatis, from Pannonia natione Pannonicus 59. The inscription was found at Salona, Dalmatia, and it s dated in the second century AD. This soldier s origin is quite clear: he received the Roman citizenship or he was the son of a military who received the citizenship during the reigns of Hadrian or Antoninus Pius. He might have joined the fleet for financial benefits and for milder rules, less possible in the legions or auxiliary units. Caius Aelius Censorinus had lived for 41 years and served in the fleet for 21 years, hence he had been recruited around the age of 20. His nomen gentile being Aelius, we suppose that he had been recruited and that he received the citizenship during the time of Hadrian or Antoninus Pius. As regards this soldier s family, the inscription is fragmentary in the end, so we cannot know if Aelius Censorinus is commemorated by a family member or by a heres, maybe a colleague from the fleet at Ravenna. III. Milites 57 For further discussion, see AE 2002, 1771 (p ) AE 1967, 114; 2. CIL V, 6903; 3. CIL XII, 89; 4. CIL XII, 3964; there may have been the same person in the inscriptions AE 1913, 135 and AE 1974, 454, but they only have in common cohors II Alpinorum (equitata), and not the fleet at Ravenna. 59 CIL III, 14691; SPAUL 2002, 19.

145 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 145 The proofs regarding the Pannonian soldiers from the second century AD also include the members of the fleet at Ravenna. Augustus had built the harbour from Ravenna to defend the Adriatic Sea, but also as a precaution in front of the dangers from Dalmatia and Illyricum 60. At the same time, Rome could easily recruit people from the Illyrian area precisely due to their skills in sailing, an aspect neglected by the Romans, whose army was still based on the legion, a terrestrial unit. 1. Marcus Sollius Gracilis ex gregale classis praetoriae Ravennatis, a Scordiscus from the province of Pannonia 61. This soldier is attested in a military certificate discovered in a provincia incerta and dates from AD 139. The Scordiscii were a Celtic population who lived in the teritory of Pannonia Inferior. This military had served for at least 26 years, he was recruited at years and we was around 45 years at discharge. If this discharged happened in 139, that means he was recruited in AD 113, but we do not know if he participated in a military campaign during Trajan s reign (maybe in the war against Parthians). His father s name Zura, was a Celtic name from the same tribe of Scordisci. We do not know any other epigraphic sources that can confirm the fate of this discharged sailor. We assume he left to his native land, but this hypothesis is not confirmed by other epigraphic sources. 2. Lucius Superinius Severus (miles classis Ravennatis), of Pannonian origin natione Pannonius 62. The funerary monument was found at Ravenna and dates from the second century AD. Even though his afilliation and the tribe are missing from the inscription, we imply his citizenship, maybe he was the son of a colonist of italic or gallic germanic origin 63. Superinius Severus had served for 25 years in the fleet of Ravenna (we do not know whether he had served on the Neptunus trireme the entire time) and died at the age of 45, which means he had been recruited 60 WEBSTER 1985, ZPE 163, 217 = AE 2007, CIL XI, MÓCSY 1968, 306.

146 146 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE at 20. This military had not completed his military service in the fleet (the compulsory 26 years) and his family is missing from this monument; however, the deceased is commemorated by his colleague, Iulius Ursius, a heres of Superinius Severus and, most likely, a colleague from the fleet at Ravenna. 3. Caius Iulius Proculus miles classis praetoriae Ravennatis, of Pannonian origin natione Pannonius 64. This epigraphic source was found at Ravenna and it is dated from the second century AD, confirmed by the use of the term militavit. Iulius Proculus was a Roman citizen, certified by the nomen gentile Iulius, probably the son of a veteran settled in Pannonia at the end of the first century AD 65. This soldier had lived for 40 years and had served in the fleet of Ravenna for 18 years, which means he had been recruited at about 22. Also, this soldier is in the same situation as the one mentioned above, (...)eri(...), only that in this case, Iulius Proculus was in castra Ravennatium, and the name of the ship is not mentioned. We do not know the clear advantages of a soldier within the fleet in the Rome military camp, but we suppose that is was less dangerous and with more financial advantages. Also, Iulius Proculus is commemorated by Caius Quintius Aprilis, probably a colleague in the fleet at Ravenna, who was also in Rome, in castra Ravennatium. 4. Licinius Victor (miles classis Ravennatis), of Pannonian origin natione Pannonius 66. The inscription was found at Ravenna and dates from the second century AD, maybe the end of this century, because of the use of dua nomina. Also, this sailor was a part of the Minerva trireme. This soldier was a Roman citizen, the son of a person who served in an auxiliary unit and settled in Pannonia after discharge. Licinius Victor had lived for 50 years and had served for 20 years, most probably the whole 64 CIL VI, 3156 = CIL VI, 3157; SPAUL 2002, MÓCSY 1968, CIL XI, 72.

147 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 147 period in the fleet at Ravenna 67, which means he had been recruited at 30. This late recruitment underlines two hypothesis. The first is that he was enrolled exactly at this age, although the reasons are not known (a tense period on the military level, probably during the second half of the second century, a deliberate delay in recruitment, etc). The second is that he had been discharged, there is no mention of this aspect and the period of service in the inscription is wrong. This soldier is commemorated by Aulus Dasimius Severus. As the epigraphic source is fragmented and it ends abruptly, we do not know the connection or any other relationship between Dasimius Severus and Licinius Victor. Nonetheless, we underline the following conclusions: they were colleagues in the fleet of Ravenna, Dasimius Severus being a heres as well, but this part of the inscription was not conserved. According to the nomen gentile, the commemorator had the same Pannonian origin, the name Dasimius, together with Dasmenus, Dasius, Dases, were clearly Pannonian. 5. Marcus Aurelius Vitalis miles classis praetoriae Antoninianae Ravennatis, from the province of Pannonia natione Pannonia 68. This funerary monument was found at Ravenna and dates from the first quarter of the third century AD. Also, this soldier was a part of the Providentia trireme. The fact that this character had nome gentile Aurelius shows he had received the Roman citizenship, probably after the Constitutio Antoniniana of AD 212. Also, the presence of the term Antoniniana among the names of the fleet at Ravenna leads to a precise date, between 212 and 217, during Caracalla s rule. Thus, the inscription only states that he had served 27 years in the fleet. If we assume that he had died at 45 50, he had been recruited at 20 22, namely in AD This case also includes a novelty, as the soldier mentions his origin as natione Pannonia, clearly illustrating a provincial and not ethnical origin. 67 The epigraphic source was found in Ravenna, but Licinius Victor is not mentioned as part of that fleet, although we suppose he had served there and it seemed useless to mention an obvious thing in the inscription. 68 CIL XI, 39; FITZ 1983, 41 (for the Antoniniana epithet); SPAUL 2002, 33.

148 148 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE There are two explanations for it: either natione Pannonicus/Pannonius means about the same thing as natione Pannonia (showing a provincial origin), or there is a lapidary mistake. However, the person who published the epigraphic source could have reconstituted it this way. Another issue, of commemorative nature, is that of Marcus Aurelius Vitalis heiress (heres eius), Valeria Faustina, his focaria (cook). Nevertheless, focaria does not mean only servant in the kitchen or cook, but also a soldier s concubine. This is our case, as women were allowed to live in castrum with their partners from the beginning of the third century. 6. Marcus Aurelius Valens ex gregale classis praetoriae Severianae Ravennatis, from pagus Augustus, vicus S(...), Cibalae, ex Pannonia Inferiore 69. This soldier is mentioned in a military certificate dated from the 18th of December AD 225, during Severus Alexander s reign. The military certificate mentions the name Severiana either for the loyalty shown to Severus Alexander, or, most probably, as honorary title received by the units of the Roman army 70. According to the nomen gentile, this military was already a Roman citizen since 212, after Constitutio Antoniniana. As regards Marcus Aurelius Valens origin, the epigraphic source mentions the colony of Cibalae, Pannonia Inferior, pagus Augustus, vicus S(...), so the soldier came from the rural area of Pannonia Inferior. It is also the first epigraphic source so far that underlines the name of Pannonia Inferior; the province had been divided at the beginning of the second century AD. Still, the text of the certificate showed that he, his future wife, and their descendants had received the Roman citizenship. The military certificate does not mention the soldier s age, but we suppose he was approximately 45 years old as he had been recruited at about 18 20, around AD , during Septimius Severus reign. This soldier s family includes only the father, Capitolinus, probably a peregrinus who had taken a Roman name. Unfortunately, after this period, the epigraphic sources are more and more rare. Otherwise, we would have 69 RMD III, 194 = RMD IV, 312 = AE 1993, 1010 = AE 1999, 900; SPAUL 2002, For the epithet Severiana and the names of the units who received it, see FITZ 1983,

149 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 149 discovered that Marcus Aurelius Valens descendants had had a career in the legion or in another roman unit. IV. Veterans Two certified veterans from the fleet at Ravenna are Velagenus, discharged in AD 71, and Marcus Sollius Gracilis, the ex gregale from the military diploma of AD Quintus Aurelius Festianus veteranus (classis Ravennatis), of Pannonian origin natione Pannonius 71. The inscription was discovered at Ravenna and dates from the first quarter of the third century, more precisely after AD 212. Still, we know only his status of natione Pannonius, which means he came from that province, as he was a Roman citizen, a fact proven by the nomen gentile Aurelius. There is no mention of the age at death; although, he must have served at least 26 years as he appears as veteran. Also, we assume he had been recruited, like Marcus Aurelius Vitalis, around AD 190, during the last years of Commodus Principate. Another proof for the date of this inscription is the presence of Aurelius Festianus wife, Aurelia Clauce, the freed slave and commemorator of this veteran. 2. Marcus Aurelius Valens ex gregale (et veteranus) classis praetoriae Severianae Ravennatis 72. He was previously mentioned in a military certificate from AD 225 with the status of soldier discharged from the fleet of Ravenna. We do not have any additional information after his discharge, except for the place where the military certificate was found Porcuna, province of Hispania Baetica, where the soldier had retired. III. Milites UNKNOWN FLEET 71 CIL XI, 33 = CIL III, RMD III, 194 = RMD IV, 312 = AE 1993, 1010 = AE 1999, 900; SPAUL 2002, 36.

150 150 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE 1. ( ) Lensi filio miles classis ignotae, of Pannonian origin Pannonius 73. The name of the fleet in which he served was lost, but it had to be Misenum or Ravenna. This ignotus is known from a military certificate from AD 71 found in Grabarje (today s Croatia), province of Pannonia. This man was discharged in the same year as Velagenus. This soldier s father, Lensi, was definitely a peregrinus, most probably of Pannonia, which makes this man the first Roman citizen in the family, as he served in the fleet for 26 years. We do not know his age, still, should he have been recruited around the age of 18 20, he was around 40 years old at the time of his discharge. We assume this age because ignotus was discharged before his time ante emerita stipendia, like Liccaius and Velagenus. These three people were part of the units who supported Vespasian in the civil war of AD The new emperor rewarded these soldiers by discharging them before the compulsory 26 years. Except the note regarding the soldier s father, the certificate does not mention any other family member, not even a witness to prove any relationship between them, as in the case of Velagenus. Nevertheless, due to the discovery of the certificate in Grabarje, the province of Pannonia, nowadays Croatia, we suppose that ignotus had come back to his native land to start a family, the new status of Roman citizen bringing him considerable advantage. 2. Marcus Ulpius Martialis ex gregale classis ignotae, of Pannonian origin Pannonius 74. This military is mentioned in a military diploma discovered in a provincia incerta and dated during Commodus reign (AD ). This soldier was recruited as peregrinus from the province of Pannonia and received Roman citizenship after his discharge. Because this constitution is fragmentary, we do not know the fleet, probably it was Misenum or Ravenna, certified by the use of the term praetoria. We assume that this military was recruited around the age of 18 20, served the compulsory 26, so he was about 45 years old at discharge. If Ulpius Martialis was discharged in , then he had been recruited 73 CIL XVI, 17 = CIL III, p. 851 (p. 1960); SPAUL 2002, ZPE 163, 229 = AE 2007, 1790.

151 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 151 around AD The father of this former sailor was named Titiatis, a peregrinus of Pannonian origin. We do not know the fate of Ulpius Martialis after his discharge, maybe he returned to his native land or remained at Misenum or Ravenna. The fact is that he is no longer mentioned in any other epigraphic source. At the end of this study, we will underline some aspects regarding statistics, the names of the ships, the recruitment stages and the number of sailors of Pannonian origin from Misenum and Ravenna compared with other ethnical or provincial recruits. We emphasized 23 epigraphic sources (military diplomas and funerary inscriptions) that submited 23 militaries from Pannonia: Three higher officers: Liccaius centurio classis Misenensis; Lucius Valerius Ispanus centurio classis Misenensis; Velagenus centurio classis Ravennatis; Four NCOs: Lucius Licinius Capito gubernator classis Misenensis; Titus Flavius Firmus optio classis Misenensis; Caius Valerius Domitius optio classis Misenensis; Caius Aelius Censorinus optio classis Ravennatis. 14 milites. From Misenum: Lucius Terentius Sabinus, Tiberius Claudius Masculus, Caius Domitius Aper, Caius Cogitatius Valens, Marcus Marius Martialis, ( )eri( ). From Ravenna: Marcus Sollius Gracilis, Lucius Superinius Severus, Caius Iulius Proculus, Licinius Victor, Marcus Aurelius Vitalis, Marcus Aurelius Valens. From an unknown fleet: (...) Lensi filius and Marcus Ulpius Martialis. Two veterans: Caius Silius Fortis veteranus classis Misenensis and Quintus Aurelius Festianus veteranus classis Ravennatis 75. Twelve of them were part of the fleet at Misenum, nine of that at Ravenna, and two on which there is no such information. Thus, more had served at Misenum than at Ravenna 76, but this differentiation is subjective, 75 It is possibly the case of Lucius Licinius Capito, but we have included here only the veterans mentioned with this status in the epigraphic sources. 76 Tacitus statted that Pannonians were more numerous in the fleet at Ravenna because it was closer to their home (Tacit. Hist., III, 12), but the epigraphic sources countered this opinion.

152 152 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE considering the low number of persons and epigraphic sources compared to the real number of soldiers within the fleet for more than two centuries. From the military point of view, the Pannonians did not have easy access to the higher military ranks in the imperial fleet at Misenum and Ravenna as the Roman citizens from the Italic Peninsula reached these posts. The fleet had a lower status, reason for which Roman citizens did not prefer it. There are only a few higher and lower officers of Pannonian origin, but quite enough milites, as we have previously mentioned. They were usually interested in the Roman citizenship, thus easy to get, and less in the military glory or the higher ranks in the army. As for the origin and legal status of these militaries, Mócsy tried to establish some aspects considering their nomen gentile outlined in inscriptions. The soldiers who had an imperial nomen gentile were Roman citizens of local origin, and maybe received the citizenship or were citizens at the second generation: Caius Iulius Proculus, Titus Flavius Firmius, Caius Aelius Censorinus, Marcus Aurelius Vitalis, Quintus Aurelius Festianus. The other ones had names that show a city origin or, maybe, some chose the names there are many examples in the papyri 77 or in inscriptions 78. However, it is possible that these soldiers had received ius Latinum at recruitment (maybe after Hadrian s reign), fact confirmed by the presence of tria nomina in most cases 79. Also, we analysed the phrase present in almost all the epigraphic sources nat( ) Pann( ), reconstituted as natione Pannonius. Mócsy examined the term natione Pannonius, but did not emphasize the clear status of these sailors based on this phrase 80. However, that term could have actually referred to natus Pannonia, but we are not entirely sure. Nevertheless, without any clear reference in this regard or a significant analysis of the epigraphic sources, we can only make mere observations. 77 MÓCSY 1968, We know of a soldier who, before the recruitment, was named Licca Bardi filius. After the recruitment, he took a Roman name and adapted to the roman military system L. Iallius Valens (CIL X, 2715). 79 CHAPOT 1967, 177; FORNI 1968, MÓCSY 1968, 310.

153 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 153 As regards the ships mentioned in this paper, we know six names of ships at Misenum (a liburna Minerva 81, three triremes 82 Perseus, Salus and Pax, as well as two quadriremes Dacicus and Fortuna) and four at Ravenna 83 (all three triremes: Neptunus, Minerva, Providentia, and Hercule). The Romans had specific names for the ships in the military fleet: names of gods (Apollo, Asclepius, Castor, Ceres, Iuno, Minerva), allegories (Clementia, Concordia, Constantia, Fides, Fortuna, Iustitia, Pax, Providentia, Salus), patronymic which reminded of mythological characters (Ariadna, Danae, Diomedes, Perseus), names of animals (Aquila, Capricornus, Draco, Grypus, Lupa, Taurus), toponyms (Danuvius, Euphrates, Nilus, Rhenus, Tiberis), epithets of particular property of a ship (Armata, Lucifer, Pinnata, Radians, Satyra) or imperial cognomina (Augustus) 84. The period of recruitment for the militaries in the fleet of Misenum and Ravenna does not hold specific patterns. Thus, there was a recruitment during some conflicts, but there s no evidence of such pattern of recruitment for the fleet: during Claudius reign, Liccaius, Velagenus and (...) Lensi filius were recruited, but these soldiers fought during the civil war of AD and they were discharged ante emerita stipendia at the beginning of Vespasian s reign. In the second century AD, there were random recruitment periods, perhaps the fleet did not participate in major conflicts during Trajan, Hadrian or Antoninus Pius reigns. However, during Marcus Aurelius reign, there was an inscription discovered at Diana Veteranorum, Numidia. This source mentions the career of Marcus Valerius Maximianus, who led a vexillation of sailors from Misenum, Ravenna, Britannia and African and Moor riders: praepositus vexillationum classium praetoriarum Misenatis, item Ravennati, item classis 81 The epigraphic sources mention more names of liburnae at Misenum, among which we underline the following: Aesculapius (CIL X, 3651); Aquila (CIL X, 3361); Diana (AE 1975, 271); Iustitia (CIL X, 3492); Libertas (CIL X, 3590); Virtus (CIL X, 3397) and so on. 82 The triremes are outlined in a considerable number at Misenum, the inscriptions mention over 100 such ships (REDDÉ 1986, ). 83 The names of the ships in the fleet at Ravenna are less certified in the epigraphic sources (six liburnae, 52 triremes and 14 cvadriremes REDDÉ 1986, ). 84 CHAPOT 1967, ; REDDÉ 1986,

154 154 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE Britannicae, item equitum Afrorum et Maurorum electorum 85. This vexillation was sent in AD in the Danube provinces during the Marcommanic War. From the first three centuries we know other epigraphic sources which certify vexillation from the fleet, some of them even discovered outside the Roman Empire: vexillationis classis praetoriae Misenatium Seleuciae Pieriae, Syria 86 ; vexillatio classis Ravennatis Yalta 87 ; vexillatio classis Ravennatis Aj Tor, Moesia Inferior 88 ; vexillatio classis praetoriae Misenensis the inscription was found in Rome and dates from AD During the Severans, the recruitment is also random, and the sources are scarce and we can not establish a pattern at the beginning of the third century. Although there were defensive raids in the Tyrrhenian and Adriatic Seas, the members of these fleet formed vexillations when needed, especially when the legions or auxiliary units were few or they were in a campaign in another area of the Empire. We have presented a small number of soldiers from Pannonia compared to the entire Roman fleet at Misenum and Ravenna, in parallel to the period studied (AD ) and to the number of persons from this interval (10,000 soldiers and officers in each fleet). However, of the 10,000 soldiers in each fleet, only 30% came from Pannonia, Thrace, Dalmatia, and Dacia, and only a few Pannonians were part of the fleet (18 sailors, so approximately 7,5% 90 ). Chester Starr s statistics is the following: a) Misenum (1st 3rd centuries AD): Aegyptus 54 militaries (from Alexandria alone 21); Thracia (Bessi) 41; Sardinia 18; Greek origin 18; Cilicia 17; Dalmatia 14; Syria 13; Africa 10; Italic Peninsula 9; 85 AE 1956, 124; FORNI 1968, AE 1896, 21 = AE 1897, 51 = AE 1922, AE 1903, 2. Regarding this inscription, a recent study has denied the following version: vex(illatio) / c(lassis) Rav(ennatis) s(umptu) p(ublico). Hence, Sarnowski suggested a different approach, considering that this source reflected a vexillation lead by a centurion named Ravonius Speratus: vex(illarii or illatio) <sub or curam agente or curante> G. Rav(onio?) Sp(erato?) (SARNOWSKI 2006, ). 88 CIL III, CIL VI, STARR 1941, 75. However, G. Susini suggested a quite different percentage: Dalmatia 24%; Aegyptus/Africa 16%; Syria 13%; Asia Minor 10%; Pannonia 10%; Italy 8%; Corsica and Sardinia 6%; Thracia 6%; Greece 3% (SUSINI 1968, ).

155 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 155 Pannonia 9; Pontus 7; Corsica 4; Bithynia 4; Phrygia 3; Pamphylia 2; Dacia 1; Germania 1; Raetia 1; Asia 1; Cappadocia 1; Lycaonia 1; Creta and Cyrenaica 1; Lybia 1. b) Ravenna (1st 3rd centuries AD): Dalmatia 25 sailors; Pannonia 9; Aegyptus 8 (from Alexandria alone 3); Thracia (Bessi) 7; Syria 6; Corsica 6; Sardinia 5; Greek origin 5; Italic Peninsula 4; Lybia 3; Bithynia 3; Germania 2; Dacia 1; Cilicia 1; Creta and Cyrenaica 1. The sources do not mention any soldier in the fleet at Ravenna from the provincies of Pontus, Phrygia, Asia, Cappadocia, Lycaonia, Pamphylia, Africa and Raetia 91. After the publishing of Chester Starr s study, a lot of epigraphic sources have been discovered; however, his statistics is, broadly, valid untill today 92. This fact is confirmed, at least in the case of the fleet at Misenum, by a recent study of Michel Reddé. Thus, this is the outline of the origins of the 234 militaries from the fleet at Misenum clearly mentioned in the inscriptions: Aegyptus 23%; Asia Minor 17%; Thracia 16%; Sardinia 11,5%; Syria 5%; Dalmatia 5%; Africa 4,7%; Pannonia 4,7%; Italy 4%; Greece 3,4%; Corsica 1,7%; another origin 1,7% 93. In a study published before the one above, Reddé showed a more thorough statistics for the two fleet, but validates Starr s estimate. Thus, in the fleet at Misenum prevailed the sailors from Aegyptus (along with the ones from Alexandria) with 54 men. The ones from Pannonia were in the 8th place with 11 soldiers and officers. In the fleet at Ravenna the people 91 STARR 1941, In the case of the militaries of Pannonian origin, we mention a slight difference, but insignificant: 12 from the fleet at Misenum and nine from the one at Ravenna. 93 REDDÉ 2000, Regarding the fleet at Misenum, Chapot gives a similar outline: Asian provinces with 29,5%, Aegyptus, Alexandria and Africa with 28%, Thracia with 18,5%, Sardinia and Corsica with 10,5%, and Pannonia and Dalmatia with only 9% (Dalmatia 5,5%; Pannonia 3,5%). However, Chapot assumed that the militaries from Pannonia and Dalmatia were in greater number in the fleet at Ravenna (CHAPOT 1967, 186), but the epigraphic sources denied his hypothesis.

156 156 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE from Dalmatia prevailed, while the ones from Pannonia were in the 6th place with only five men 94. In conclusion, we notice that the literary sources confirmed the importance of the soldiers coming from Dalmatia from the fleet at Ravenna. In the same manner, the epigraphic sources certified the great number of sailors from Aegyptus. Anyway, the evidence for Pannonia is rather disappointing: 18 people (C. Starr), 10% (G. Susini), 16 sailors (Reddé 1986) and 23 occurrences (in this study). Nonetheless, we think the prosopographical analysis for the soldiers above mentioned represented a pattern followed by most of the Pannonian militaries from the fleet at Misenum and Ravenna, from these points of view: military, ethnic or provincial origin, recruitment and social aspects. TABLE 1: MILITARIES FROM PANNONIA IN THE IMPERIAL FLEET AT MISENUM Name Origo Post Date Sources Liccaius Lucius Valerius Ispanus Lucius Licinius Capito Titus Flavius Firmus Marsunnia, Pannonia Sirmium, Pannonia Inferior Natione Pannonius Centurio Centurio Gubernator 1st century AD (71) 2nd century AD 2nd century AD RMD IV, 204 = AE 1997, 1273 = AE 2001, 87 CIL X, 3375 CIL XIV, 238 Natione Optio 2nd century CIL X, 3465 Pannonius AD Caius Natione Optio 2nd century AE 1939, 94 At Misenum: Aegyptus 54 sailors and officers; Asia 40; Thracia 38; Sardinia 27; Dalmatia 14; Syria 13; Africa 11; Pannonia 11; Italy 10; Greece 8; Corsica 4; other origin 4 soldiers. At Ravenna: Dalmatia 14 soldiers and officers; Aegyptus 7; Syria 7; Sardinia 6; Italy 5; Pannonia 5; Asia 3; Corsica 3; Africa 2; Thracia 2; Grecia 1; other origin 1 sailor (REDDÉ 1986, 532).

157 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 157 Valerius Domitius Lucius Terentius Sabinus Tiberius Claudius Masculus Caius Domitius Aper Caius Cogitatius Valens Marcus Marius Martialis (...)eri(...) Caius Silius Fortis Pannonius AD 216 Natione Pannonius Ex Pannonia Miles Miles (ex gregale) 2nd century AD 2nd century AD (145) Pannonius Miles 2nd century AD Natione Pannonius Natione Pannonius Natione Pannonius Natione Pannonius Manipularius Liburnarius Miles Veteranus 2nd century AD 2nd century AD 2nd century AD 2nd century AD CIL X, 3639 AE 2008, 1111 AE 1947, 84 CIL X, 3569 CIL X, 3607 CIL VI, 3146 CIL X, 3628 TABLE 2: MILITARIES FROM PANNONIA IN THE IMPERIAL FLEET AT RAVENNA Name Origo Post Date Sources Velagenus Eraviscus Centurio 1st century AD (71) RMD IV, 205 = AE 2002, 1771 = AE 2004, 89 = AE 2007, 93 CIL III, Caius Aelius Natione Optio 2nd century Censorinus Pannonicus AD Marcus Scodriscus, ex Miles (ex 2nd century ZPE 163,

158 158 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE Sollius Gracilis Lucius Superinius Severus Caius Iulius Proculus Licinius Victor Marcus Aurelius Vitalis Marcus Aurelius Valens Quintus Aurelius Festianus Pannonia gregale) AD (139) 217 = AE 2007, 1786 Natione Miles 2nd century CIL XI, 97 Pannonius AD Natione Pannonius Natione Pannonius Natione Pannonia Pagus Augustus, vicus S(...), Cibalae, Pannonia Inferior Natione Pannonius Miles Miles Miles Miles (ex gregale) Veteranus 2nd century AD 2nd century AD 3rd century AD ( ) 3rd century AD (225) 3rd century AD (after 212) CIL VI, 3156 = CIL VI, 3157 CIL XI, 72 CIL XI, 39 CIL II/7, 127a = RMD III, 194 = RMD IV, 312 = AE 1993, 1010 = AE 1999, 900 CIL XI, 33 = CIL III, 237 TABLE 3: MILITARIES FROM PANNONIA IN UNKNOWN FLEET Name Origo Post Date Sources (...) Lensi filius Pannonius Ex gregale classis ignotae 1st century AD (71) CIL XVI, 17 = CIL III, p. 851 (p. 1960) Marcus Ulpius Martialis Pannonius Ex gregale classis ignotae 2nd century AD ( ) ZPE 163, 229 = AE 2007, 1790

159 Militaries from Pannonia in the Imperial Fleet 159 REFERENCES CHAPOT, V La flotte de Misène. Son histoire, son recrutement, son régime administratif, edizione anastatica, L Erma di Bretschneider, Roma. CHIRIAC, C., MIHAILESCU BÎRLIBA, L., MATEI, I Ein neues Militärdiplom aus Moesien, ZPE 150, D AMATO, R Imperial Roman Naval Forces: 31 BC AD 500, Oxford. DZINO, D Illyricum in Roman Politics 229 BC AD 68, Cambridge. ECK, W The growth of administrative posts, in BOWMAN, A. K. (ed.), The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. XI: The High Empire, A.D , second edition, Cambridge, FITZ, J Honorific Titles of Roman Military Units in the 3rd Century, Bonn. FORNI, G Sull ordinamento ed impiego della flota di Ravenna, in Atti del convegno internazionale di studi sulle antichità di classe. Ravenna, ottobre 1967, Ravenna, LÁSZLÓ, B History of Pannonia, in LENGYEL, A., RADAN, G. T. B. (eds.), The Archaeology of Roman Pannonia, Budapest, LE GLAY, M., LE BOHEC, Y., VOISIN, J. L Istorie romană, Bucharest. LÖRINCZ, B Zur Militärgeschichte der Donauprovinzen des Römischen Reiches, Budapest, Debrecen. MILLER, H. F Legio I Adjutrix, Greece & Rome 28, 1, MÓCSY, A Pannonici nelle flotte di Ravenna e di Miseno, in Atti del convegno internazionale di studi sulle antichità di classe. Ravenna, ottobre 1967, Ravenna, MÓCSY, A Pannonia and Upper Moesia. A History of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire, London, Boston. NEMETH, E Politische und militärische Beziehungen zwischen Pannonien und Dakien in der Römerzeit, Cluj Napoca. PURCELL, N Rome and Italy, in BOWMAN, A. K. (ed.), The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. XI: The High Empire, A.D , second edition, Cambridge, REDDÉ, M Mare Nostrum. Les infrastructures, le dispositif et l histoire de la marine militaire sous l Empire romain, Rome.

160 160 IONUȚ ACRUDOAE REDDÉ, M Le Rangordnung des marins, in LE BOHEC, Y. (ed.), La hiérarchie (Rangordnung) de l armée romaine sous le Haut Empire. Actes du Congrès de Lyon (15 18 septembre 1994), Paris, REDDÉ, M Les Marins, in ALFÖLDY, G., DOBSON, B., ECK, W. (eds.), Kaiser, Heer und Gesselschaft in der Römischen Kaiserzeit, Stuttgart, SADDINGTON, D. B Classes. The Evolution of the Roman Imperial Fleets, in ERDKAMP, P. (ed.), A Companion to the Roman Army, Oxford, SARNOWSKI, T The Phantom Squadron of the Ravennate Fleet on the Black Sea in the 1st Century AD, ZPE 157, SOUTHERN, P The Roman Army. A Social and Institutional History, Santa Barbara, Denver, Oxford. SPAUL, J Classes Imperii Romani: an epigraphic examination of the men of the Imperial Roman Navy, Andover. STARR, C. G The Roman Imperial Navy 31 B.C. A.D. 324, New York. SUSINI, G Un catalogo classiario ravennate, Studi Romagnoli 19, WEBSTER, G The Roman Imperial Army of the First and Second Century A.D., Totowa, New Jersey.

161 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, ARE THERE ANY NEW FACTORS CONCERNING THE BAR KOKHBA REVOLT? MENAHEM MOR 1 Keywords: Bar Kokhba revolt, ban of circumcision, foundation of Aelia Capitolina. Abstract: The author focuses his research on four main subjects concerning the Bar Kokhba revolt: (1) Hadrian s promise to rebuild the Temple, (2) the ban on circumcision, (3) the Foundation of Aelia Capitolina and (4) Bar Kokhba s leadership. Rezumat: Autorul îşi concentrează analiza asupra a 4 puncte importante privind revolta lui Bar Kokhba: (1) promisiunea lui Hadrian de a reconstrui templul din Ierusalim, (2) interzicerea circumciziei, (3) întemeierea Aeliei Capitolina, (4)conducerea lui Bar Kokhba. One subject that has been extensively discussed in the research on the Bar Kokhba revolt is the question regarding the immediate factors that caused its outbreak. During the last two decades, this issue has been examined from several points of view. 2 In my book, The Bar Kochba Revolt: Its Extent and Effect, I discussed this at length. My main argument was that a revolt does not usually break out because of immediate causes. The decision to go to war against a superior military force, both in numbers and in organization, is the result of cumulative and continuous factors in the social, economic, national and religious spheres. 3 Since the direct causes for the revolt have recently been raised once again for discussion, I shall focus my examination of them in light of the sources and research done in recent years on the following subjects: (1) Hadrian s promise to rebuild the Temple, (2) the ban on circumcision, (3) the Foundation of Aelia Capitolina and (4) Bar Kokhba s leadership. 1 University of Haifa, mmor@uni.haifa.ac.il. 2 MOR, RAPPAPORT See also the bibliographical appendix to this article. 3 MOR 1991.

162 162 MENAHEM MOR 1. Hadrian s Promise to Rebuild the Temple Midrash Genesis Rabba, 64:29 In the days of R. Joshua b. Hananiah the [Roman] State ordered the Temple to be rebuilt. Pappus and Lulianus set tables from Acco as far as Antioch and provided those who came up from the Exile [i.e. Babylon] with all their needs. Thereupon Samaritans went and warned [the Emperor]: Be it known now unto the king, that, if this rebellious city be builded and the walls finished, they will not pay tribute (mindah), impost (belo) or toll halak (Ezra IV, 13): mindah is land tax; belo is poll tax1; halak is androtiga.2 Yet what can I do, said he, seeing that I have already given the order? Send a command to them that they must change its site or add five cubits thereto or lessen it by five cubits, and then they will with draw from it of their own accord. Now the Community [of Israel] was assembled in the plain of Beth Rimmon; when the [royal] dispatches arrived, they burst out weeping, and wanted to revolt against the [Roman] power. Thereupon they [the Sages] decided: Let R. Joshua b. Hanania go, as he is a master of Scripture. So he went and harangued them: A wild lion killed [an animal], and a bone stuck in his throat. Thereupon he proclaimed: I will reward anyone who removes it. An Egyptian heron, which has a long beak, came and pulled it out and demanded his reward. Go, he replied, you will be able to boast that you entered the lion s mouth in peace and came out in peace [unscathed]. Even so, Let us be satisfied that we entered into dealings with this people in peace and have emerged in peace (Midrash Rabbah, Genesis, Translated by Freedman, H). 4 בימי ר' יהושע בן חנניה גזרה מלכות שיבנה בית המקדש, הושיבו פפוס ולוליאנוס טרפיזין מעכו ועד אנטיוכיה והיו מספיקים לעולי גולה, אזלין אילין כותאי ואמרין ליה ידיע ליהוי למלכא דיהן קריתא דך תתבנא ושוריא ישתכללון מנדה בלו והלך לא ינתנון (עזרא ד יג) מנדה זו מידת הארץ, בלו זה פרוביגרון, והלך לאדרוטינה, אמר להון מה נעביד וגזרית, אמרין ליה שלח אמר להון ישנוניה מן אתריה אי יוספון עלוי חמש אמין או יבצרון מיניה חמש אמין ומן גרמון אינון חזרין בהון. הוין קהלייא מצמתין בהדא בקעתא דבית רמון, כיוון דאתון כתביא שורון בייכין בעיין ממרד על מלכותא, אמרין יעול חד בר נש חכים וישרך ציבורא, אמרין יעול ר' יהושע בן חנניה דהוא אסכולסטיקה דאורייתא, על ודרש אריה טרף טרף ועמד עצם בגרונו, אמר כל 4

163 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 163 This source describes the promise made by Hadrian to rebuild the Temple in Jerusalem. The plan failed because of the subversions of the Samaritans, and its cancellation nearly led to a Jewish revolt against Hadrian. Since I have adopted the approach of those researchers who discount the historical value of the source, I shall not expand on this matter. 5 In my view, this text belongs with a number of Jewish anti Samaritan sources that try to present the Samaritans as the schemers behind most of the calamities that befell the Jews The Ban on Circumcision Historia Augusta, Hadrianus 14.2: Moverunt ea tempestate et Iudaei bellum, quod vettabantur mutilare genitalia. 7 This line in the biography of Hadrian, from a collection of biographies of the Caesars called Historia Augusta, has been interpreted as evidence that Hadrian forbade the Jews to perform circumcisions. The problematic nature of the Historia Augusta in general, and the biography of Hadrian in particular (which is ascribed to an imaginary author named Spartianus), are well documented. 8 דאתי מפק ליה אנא יהיב ליה אגריה, אתא הדין קורה מצרייה דמקוריה אריך ויהיב מקורה ואפקיה, אמר ליה הב לי אגרי. אמר ליה אזיל תהוי מגלג ואמר דעלת לפומיה דאריא בשלם ונפקת בשלם, כך דיינו שניכנסנו באומה זו בשלום ויצאנו בשלום (בראשית רבה סד, כט מהדורת תיאודור-אלבק, ) 5 MOR 1991, MOR 2003a, For the different translations of the phrase mutilare genitalia, See for example: David Magie: At this time the Jews began war, because they were forbidden to practise circumcisionʺ (The Scriptores Historiae Augusta, translated by Magie D, LCL, Vol. I, Cambridge, Mass. 1921, 45). M. Rabello: At that time the Jews, too, began war because they were forbidden to mutilate (mutilare) the sexual organs (RABELLO 1995, 187); Isaac At this time the Jews started a war because they were forbidden to mutilate their genitals (ISAAC 1998, 277); Golan: The Iudaei began war because they were forbidden to damage a necessary part of the maleʹs genital organsʺ (GOLAN 1988, 338). 8 On the Historia Augusta, see: SYME 1971a. See also GOLAN 1989.

164 164 MENAHEM MOR Ronald Syme has already drawn attention to the fact that the Jews provide a rich variety of peculiarity, and therefore the [work] contains comic aspects: The concern of the Historia Augusta with the Jews was not, it appears, either sustained or notably malevolent. Fun and oddities rather than any preoccupation with cult and race and nationality. 9 David Golan also draws attention to the grotesque and ironic style of writing in Historia Augusta. In his view, circumcision is mentioned in a context of mockery for the sake of thaumasia (an extraordinary kind of the strange grotesque that also arouses amazement). In his words: No less telling is the fact that the editor author rather than choose the prevailing technical or juridical term for describing circumcision in his text, that is circumcidere, preferred an expression which bluntly associated it with castration. The literary effect to which the writer aimed seems obvious, combining erotic innuendos and scoffing remarks on account of the oddity of the Iudaei. 10 In a similar manner, Benjamin Isaac notes: It is worth noting that the SHA does not mention circumcision but mutilation. The implication is that this was a ludicrous rebellion, for who in any sense would go to war because he was forbidden to mutilate his genitals? 11 Nevertheless, Moshe David Herr and Alfredo Mordechai Rabello maintain that the only cause for the revolt was the ban on circumcision. Herr explains that circumcision was perceived by Hadrian as castration and thus imposed on the Jews the decree forbidding castration. He finds 9 SYME 1971b, GOLAN 1988, 338. See: ISAAC 2005, ISAAC 1998, See also: ISAAC 2004,

165 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 165 support for his view in Midrash Bereshit Rabbati which will be discussed later on. 12 Midrash Bereshit Rabbati, 17, 1: R. Yudan said: When Turnus Rufus banned circumcision, a man circumcised his son and went up to the Bema and was caught. He asked him: Didn t you hear that I prohibited? He answered: I heard. He asked him: So why did you circumcise your son? He answered: Two set at me the prohibition; the king said that I shall do and his servant ordered not to do. Which one should I fulfill? Turnus Rufus told him: The king allowed circumcising and I said not to circumcise, he will come and deal with you. The baby replied from the bosom of his mother and said: You are exempt. Since Turnus Rufus noticed that he is an infant, he said: He did not say it on his own, but he told it to me, and he dismissed him 13 In his discussion of the sources that relate to the ban on circumcision, Aharon Oppenheimer claimed that these sources refer to the religious decrees that Hadrian promulgated after the suppression of the revolt. 14 He shares the opinion of scholars who find in Historia Augusta a clear intention to arouse laughter and ridicule towards the Jews, exactly as Martial did in one of his epigrams: Menophilus person a sheath covers so enormous that it would be sufficient for the whole tribe of comic actors. This fellow I had imagined for we often bathe together was solicitous to spare his voice, Flaccus; but while he was exercising himself in the view of 12 HERR 1972, ; HERR (1978), אמר ר' יודן: משגזר טורנוס רופוס שלא ימול אדם, מל אחד את בנו ועלה לבימה ונתפס. אמר לו: לא שמעת שגזרתי? אמר לו: שמעתי. אמר לו: ומפני מה מלת את בנך? אמר לו: שנים גזרו עלי גזרה, המלך אמר שאעשה ועבדו גזר שלא אעשה, אי זה אקיים? אמר לו טורנוס רופוס: מלך אמר לימול, ואני אמרתי שלא לימול, יבא ויעמוד עליך. ענה התינוק מחיק אמו ואמר: פטור אתה, כיון שראה טורנוס רופוס שהוא קטן, אמר: אינו אומר מעצמו אלא הוא אמר לי, פטרוהו בראשית רבתי יז, א:.( 73 p. ( Ed. H. Albeck, 14 OPPENHEIMER 2003,

166 166 MENAHEM MOR the people in the middle of the exercise ground, the sheath unluckily fell off: lo, he was circumcised. 15 But his main criticism was aimed at Herr s use of Midrash Bereshit Rabbati. This midrash is a small part of the midrash compiled by Moses the Preacher who lived during the first half of the 11 th century in Narbonne and Toulouse. His nickname The Preacher was given for his expertise and because his books were written as collections of homiletics in the style of classic midrashim. 16 His primary works have been lost, but select fragments have been preserved in secondary quotations, mainly by Rashi and the Dominican monk Raymondus Martini in his book Pugio Fidei (The Dagger of Faith), published in Indeed, the midrash of Moses the Preacher cannot serve as reliable evidence for the circumcision decree. Peter Schäfer also rejects the circumcision decree as a cause for the Second Revolt. In his view, this prohibition was imposed during the course of the rebellion or after its suppression, and the issue concerning circumcision was part of an internal Jewish struggle without any connection to Hadrian the Emperor. 18 He bases his perception on what is said in Tosefta Shabbat 46:9: The mashukh ( משוך ) needs to be [re]circumcised. R. Yehudah said: he should not be [re]circumcised, if he has performed the epispasmos because this is dangerous. They said that many were [re]circumcised in the days of Ben Koziba, and they had children and did not die, for it is said: ʹCircumcising, he shall be circumcisedʹ (Gen. 17:13) even a hundred times. And it says: ʹHe has broken my covenantʹ (Gen. 17:14) any uncircumcised male shall be cut off from his people: he has broken my covenant to include the one who has his foreskin drawn forward (mashukh) Martialis, Epigrammata, 7, 82 (trans. W. C. A. Ker, LCL). See: STERN 1989, TA SHEMA On Rabbi Moses the Preacher, see: HIMMELFARB 1984, 55 78; HIMMELFARB 1994, SCHÄFER 1981a; SCHÄFER 1981b, המשוך צריך שימול, רבי יהודה אומר: משוך לא ימול, מפני שהוא מסוכן. אמרו לו: הרבה מלו בימי בן כוזבא והיו לו בנים ולא מתו, שנאמר "המול ימול" (בראשית יז 13), אפילו

167 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 167 Those who drew their foreskin forward were Jews who did so of their own free will in order to be considered gentiles. They were assimilated Jews who collaborated with the Romans in the political and cultural sphere. He compares them to the Hellenists of the period preceding the decrees of Antiochus Epiphanes. In 1990, in a jubilee volume in honor of the Oxford scholar Geza Vermes, Schäfer returned to the subject of the Second Revolt and the circumcision decrees in an article on Hadrian s policy in the Judaea. 20 He returned once again to this subject in an article he published in 1999 entitled: The Bar Kokhba Revolt and Circumcision: Historical Evidence and Modern Apologetics. 21 In both of these articles, Schäfer aims most of his critical arrows at Mordechai Rabello, Professor of Law at the Hebrew University. 22 In Rabello s words: Spartianus relates the events preceding the Bar Kokhba revolt, and considers in explicit terms the ban on circumcision as the cause of the revolt However, it is our position that in this renewal not only castration, but circumcision as well, could be banned and punished It is reasonable to assume that like the ban on castration, the ban on circumcision held force over Jews and non Jews through the Empire the ban was probably enforced, in particular in the Eastern regions of the Empire (Syria, Palestine, Arabia and Egypt): i.e., the regions where circumcision was most heavily practiced. 23 מאה פעם ואומר "זאת בריתי הפר" (שם, יז 14) לרבות את המשוך (תוספתא, שבת מו, ט, מהדורת ליברמן, 71). 20 SCHÄFER 1990, See also: HENGEL 1996, SCHÄFER 1999, RABELLO 1995, RABELLO 1995,

168 168 MENAHEM MOR Rabello also rejects the interpretation of Schäfer regarding the drawers of foreskin. In his opinion, the drawing of foreskins should not be ascribed only to the assimilated who had undergone the operation, since: The danger threatened the person who performed the act, e.g. the fathers etc., and not only the circumcised new born son. 24 This means that, according to Rabello, the drawing of foreskins was done out of fear of the Romans who tended to be especially strict in considering the tense political situation, and only a few did so for the sake of assimilation. Schäfer s criticism focuses on the interpretation that Rabello gives to the sentence: He should not be [re]circumcised because this is dangerous. In his opinion, Rabello ignores the fact that the words because this is dangerous does not refer to the original circumcision but to the re circumcision after the foreskin was drawn. The word dangerous does not apply to Hadrian s prohibition of circumcision but to the medical procedure of the drawing process. In Schäfer s view, the words of Rabbi Yehudah in the Tosefta are not connected at all with the Bar Kokhba revolt, but are concerned with the general phenomenon of the foreskin drawers, without reference to any definite historical event. 25 I concur with Schäferʹs main argument that the circumcision decree was not the cause of the revolt, but I do not agree with his explanations about the foreskin drawers. The central issue of the Bar Kokhba revolt was not the confrontation between assimilated Jews and national Jews who opposed cooperation with the Romans and the adoption of the Roman way of life. Ever since the Roman conquest of 63 BCE, there were Jewish collaborators with Roman rule. These were Jews who desired to live like the Romans, whom Schäfer calls assimilated Jews. Did their circumcision prevent them from assimilating? A prominent example of Jews of this kind was Herod and his family, who not only did not try to draw their foreskins but were, in fact strictly 24 RABELLO 1995, SCHÄFER 1990,

169 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 169 observant of this commandment. It is sufficient to recall the condition that Herod laid down for Sellaeus the Nabataean: that if he wished to marry his sister Salome, he would have to accept the customs of the Jews including circumcision. 26 In my opinion, the comparison that Schäfer makes between the internal struggle in Judaea and the situation in Judah on the eve of the Antiochus decrees is invalid. The Hellenistic reform occurred in 175 BCE, before these decrees were issued. As long as there was no danger to the national religious existence of that generation, hardly any evidence could be found for the struggle between Hellenists and nationalists such as the Hasmoneans. For the years that preceded the Second Revolt and during its course there is hardly any evidence for struggles of this kind. On the contrary, there is evidence of cooperation with the Roman government that did not entail the assimilation of the collaborators. In this regard, it is enough to recall the examples of Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai and Rabban Gamliel. 3. The Foundation of Aelia Capitolina 3.1 In 130 CE As a Cause for the Revolt Cassius Dio, Roman History, LIX 12 At Jerusalem he founded a City in place of the one which had been razed to ground, naming it Aelia Capitolina, and on the site of the temple of the God he raised a new temple to Jupiter, This brought on a war of no slight importance nor of brief duration, for the Jews deemed it intolerable that foreign races should be settled in their city and foreign religious rites planted there (LCL, vol. 9 translated by E. Cary) 26 JA, 16,

170 170 MENAHEM MOR These are not the original words of Cassius Dio, who lived at the end of the 2 nd and the beginning of the 3 rd century, but a section from a synopsis written by the monk Xiphilinus at the request of the Emperor Michael VII in the 1070s. 27 According to this late evidence, the founding of Aelia Capitolina roused the Jews to revolt against the Romans. However, just as we have rejected the late dated statements by Moses the Preacher regarding the circumcision decree, we shall also have to reject the evidence of Xiphilinus. 3.2 In 136 CE As a Result of the Revolt Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 6: Thus, when the city had come to be free of the nation of the Jews, and its ancient inhabitants had been entirely destroyed, it was colonized by a foreign race and the Roman city that thereafter arose changed its name and was called Aelia in honor of the reigning emperor, Aelius Hadrian. And as the church in it was now composed of Gentiles, the first after the bishops of the circumcision to be entrusted with the administration of those there was Marcus. 28 The writings of Eusebius (Bishop of Caesarea in the 4 th century) are usually filled with hatred for the Jews, especially in his description of the Second Revolt and the behavior of its leader (I shall return to this later on). According to Eusebius, it appears that the founding of Aelia Capitolina was part of the punitive measures that the Romans took against the Jews after the revolt was suppressed. 27 On Cassius Dio and Xiphilinius, see: BRUNT 1980, ; ISAAC 1998, ; GICHON 1986, Ecclesiastical History, trans. Roy J. Deferrari, in: The Fathers of the Church: A New Translation (Washington, 1965), Vol. I, p. 214.

171 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 171 In view of the conflicting evidence in the sources regarding the time and motive for the construction of Aelia Capitolina, two main questions are raised: first, the cause (or causes) that prompted Hadrian to build the colonia, and secondly, when exactly it was built. The answers to these questions determine whether its founding was the pretext for the revolt. In the past I have rejected any suggestion that the erection of Aelia Capitolina in the years , CE during Hadrian s visit to the region, was an intentional anti Jewish measure. The founding of the city was part of the general policy of the Caesar to strengthen the Hellenistic foundations in his empire, and resulted from an examination of the status and function of Provincia Judaea within the system of eastern provinces, and its readiness to become culturally, socially, and religiously integrated into this system. 29 The main person who vindicated Hadrian from any anti Jewish intentions in this connection was Benjamin Isaac. He explained the erection of Aelia Capitolina within general Roman policy. Ever since the days of Trajan, the Romans in the border provinces in Europe aspired to match the number of colonies in the provinces to the number of legions stationed there. This principle was also applied in Syria, although the number of colonies there had already amounted to three before the reign of Trajan. In view of this principle, Hadrian s aim in the reconstruction of Jerusalem was clear. He wanted to restore the city and make it the second Roman colony in Judaea. He chose Jerusalem as a colony because the Tenth Legion Fretensis had been stationed in the city since 70 CE. 30 David Golan also links the founding of Aelia Capitolina with the general policy of the Roman emperor, but takes the discussion to the theological level: Hadrian s major concern became what was the optimal answer to various questions: by what manner and means, in spite of his selfimposed limits, could Christianity be beaten, in of its not being 29 MOR 1991, ISAAC 1998, 104, note 83. For a similar interpretation, see: BOATWRIGHT 2000, ,

172 172 MENAHEM MOR confined to a territory, a nation, an army or a similar framework, how could this rival faith be removed from the precincts of Rome? Hadrian had become more and more confident that only by reversing the situation completely, by toppling the essential Christian symbol, would his needs be served; It was of vital importance to provide the Roman public with self evident proof that would weaken the remaining symbols, preachings, and postulates of Christianity to their foundation. 31 The ruins of Jerusalem were used by the Christians in their polemics against the Jews to prove the realization of the curse started by Jesus: No one stone will be left here upon another, all will be thrown down. 32 In the opinion of Golan, the decision of Hadrian to build Aelia Capitolina over the ruins of Jerusalem was also fostered by the echoes of the polemics based on the principles of Christianity and on the signs that prove its truths. In this polemical debate Jerusalem destroyed was the central argument, and the efforts of the Pauline school of thought to bring Christianity to the nations could not minimize the centrality of Jerusalem in the story of Jesus. In my opinion, the main fault in the view suggested by Golan is that it tries to create a kind of forestalling of the Julian the Apostate affair, even though it is difficult to link this matter with the pagan emperor Hadrian, since there is no attempt here at rebuilding the Temple. In fact, it 31 GOLAN 1986, On Jesus sayings about the destruction of the Temple see: Matt. 23: 37 38:Matt. 24: 2: Mark 13:2: As Jesus came out of the temple, one of the disciples said to him, Look Teacher, what large stones and what large buildings. Then asked him, Do you see these great buildings? No one stone will be left here upon another all will be thrown down ; Luke 19, 41 44: As Jesus came near the and saw the city, he wept over it Indeed, the days will come upon you, when your enemies will set up ramparts around you and surround you, and hem you in every side. They will crush you to the ground, you and your children within you, and they will not leave within you one stone upon another.

173 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 173 is the Temple far more than Jerusalem that stands at the center of the prophecy of Jesus. 33 Martin Goodman regarded the decision of Hadrian to establish a Roman colony in Jerusalem as a continuation of Trajan s policies. During the reign of Trajan a Jewish revolt broke out in the Diaspora against a background of despair among the Jews at the refusal of the authorities to rebuild the Temple. The response of Trajan was harsh, to the extent that Goodman called it a final solution for the destruction of Judaism. Hadrian s role in this process was the decision to turn Jerusalem into a Roman colony. The erection of a little Rome in place of Jerusalem would make sure that the Jews could no longer hope for the reconstruction of their Temple in Jerusalem. In Goodman s view, the unique aspect of the founding of Aelia Capitolina was that it was not erected, as were the other colonies, in honor of its citizens, but in order to repress a group of subjects. 34 The view proposed by Goodman cannot withstand criticism. First of all, if behind the revolt in the Diaspora there was continuous despair at the failure to rebuild the Temple, one might expect that the population of the Land of Israel would take an active role in the revolt. Although, it is quite clear that a significant portion of the population of Provincia Judaea, Judaea and Idumaea did not participate in the revolt. 35 Even with regard to Galilee, which is usually associated with the War of Kitos, there are some who doubt its participation in events that might be associated with the Diaspora revolt. 36 Furthermore, had the main reason for the Second Revolt been the founding of the colony Aelia Capitolina instead of Jerusalem, which, as Goodman says, was a colony that was not intended even for the assimilated Hellenized Jews, we would expect a different reaction from the participants in the Second Revolt. Indeed, there is 33 See our discussion above, of Midrash Genesis Rabba, 64, 29. The source does not constitute proof that Hadrian wanted to reconstruct Jerusalem as a Jewish city, and therefore there is no mention of rebuilding the Temple. 34 See: GOODMAN 1992, See also: GOODMAN 2003, For a recent summary, see: PUCCI BEN ZEEV 2006, ROKEAH 1972,

174 174 MENAHEM MOR hardly any scholar who thinks that Jerusalem was in the hands of the rebels or that they tried to conquer it. However, anyone who claims that the founding of Aelia Capitolina preceded the revolt and was the main cause for its outbreak must prove what the position of Jerusalem was during the course of the revolt! Among the studies on Aelia Capitolina 37 and its connection to the Temple Mount are those by Yaron Zvi Eliav. 38 One of the important conclusions he makes is that Aelia Capitolina did not include the Temple Mount, and that it therefore remained in its state of desolation. 39 Following the position of Oded Irshai, who noted the tendency of Christian authors of the Byzantine period to give a new interpretation to Hadrian s acts in connection with the Bar Kokhba revolt and to color them in anti Jewish hues, 40 Eliav argues that throughout within the Cassius Dio summary there are certain theological leanings of the monk Xiphilinius, and that it is only his words in the name of Cassius Dio that link the temple of Jupiter to the Temple Mount. 41 When Xiphilinus wants to present Hadrian s acts as intended against the Jews, he turns them into a theological confrontation between Hadrian and the Jewish God. This author relocates the pagan temple and simply transfers it from the city to the Temple Mount. Moreover, he portrays this act, that was neutral and quite natural for the foundation of a new colony, in the violent strokes of religious conflict. 42 In his rejection of the historical value of the Cassius Dio Xiphilinus summary regarding the acts of Hadrian in Jerusalem and the Temple Mount, Eliav also does not accept the location of the pagan temple on the Temple Mount. 43 According to Eliav, no anti Jewish tendencies should be ascribed to Hadrian. All that guided him in the foundation of Aelia Capitolina, and in leaving the area of the old Temple sanctuary outside the city scheme, 37 See, for example: FRIEDHEIM 2007, ELIAV 1997, ; ELIAV 2003, ; ELIAV ELIAV 2005, IRSHAI 1995, ELIAV 2005, 86 87, n ELIAV 2005, For a different view, see: TSAFRIR 1999, 157.

175 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 175 were technical and logistic considerations. These considerations induced the Roman founders of the colony to discard the borderlines of the old city that lay in ruins before them, and to design their colony within a new urban framework. The urban centers, the traffic routes, the temples, and other architectural elements created a new picture for the city of Jerusalem. 44 If we adopt the conclusions of Eliav that the founders of Aelia Capitolina raised a new city, then its erection did not change the realities of Jerusalem at all. Since the year 70 CE, Jerusalem had remained in its ruined state, Jews did not live there, and the permanent camp of the Tenth Legion was stationed in the city. Therefore, we can discount the founding of Aelia Capitolina as the main cause for the Second Revolt. 45 In view of the explanations of Eliav, it is clear that the foundation of Aelia Capitolina was not a casus belli for the rebels. To complete the discussion about Aelia Capitolina as a possible cause for the outbreak of the revolt, it is necessary to discuss the date for the foundation of the colony. This will be done mainly on the basis of numismatic evidence. Already in 1967, Yaakov Meshorer noted that in the archaeological plundering of Mount Hebron, a coin hoard was found dating to the period of the Bar Kokhba revolt and contained some coins from Aelia Capitolina. From these coins, Meshorer deduced that one should accept the words of the Cassius Dio Xhiphilinus summary regarding the founding of the city in the year 130 CE, i.e. before the outbreak of the revolt. 46 Since these coins were not found in an official excavation, some have cast doubt whether they were minted in Aelia before the end of the revolt. Therefore, they cannot provide evidence for the date of the founding of this colony, 47 but Hanan Eshel and Boaz Zissu, in an archaeological survey of the refuge caves in Nahal Michmash (Wadi 44 ELIAV 2005, SHAHAR 2006, MESHORER 1985, 43 50; MESHORER 1989, See, for example: OPPENHEIMER, ISAAC 1987, 416, n. 65. Herr claims that the hoard was buried in the year 135, and it may be that the coins of the city began to be minted during the course of the revolt.

176 176 MENAHEM MOR Suweinit) found coins that assist in determining the date for the founding of Aelia Capitolina. 48 The reference is to two undated coins, minted in Aelia Capitolina (Nos. 11 and 12), that were found together with four Bar Kokhba coins: three coins (Nos ) dated the second year of the revolt, i.e. 133/4 CE, and one coin (No. 16) from an undated series that was minted in the third and fourth year of the revolt. The discovery of these two coins of Aelia Capitolina, together with coins minted during the course of the revolt, indicates that these coins were minted before the year 135 CE. Arie Kindler reaches the same conclusion, also on the basis of the numismatic analysis. In addition to the find mentioned above, Kindler relies on an analysis of the coins of the foundation of the city during the reign of Hadrian, on the form of Hadrian s portrait and the inscription beside it embossed on these coins. Thus, Kindler also regards the founding of the colony as a casus belli for the Second Revolt. 49 It is clear, therefore, that the Roman colony of Aelia Capitolina was founded before the outbreak of the revolt, but was its founding the immediate cause for this outbreak? In view of the research by Eliav, I doubt this is so. The conclusion of Eliav is that the founding of the colony did not directly affect the Temple Mount. Therefore I find it difficult to regard its founding as one of the causes for the revolt, since from the year 70 CE, after the destruction of the Temple and the stationing of the Tenth Legion, the city was under direct Roman control. If we do not accept Eliav s conclusions and regard the establishment of the colony as a cause for the outbreak of the revolt, then the reaction of the Jews to its founding is very surprising. If this was the cause, then one would expect that the leaders of the revolt and its participants would have concentrated all their efforts in an attempt to conquer the city, to purify it, perhaps even to renew the cultic rites in it, and to rebuild the Temple. According to the information at our disposal, this did not occur. 48 ESHEL, ZISSU , ; ESHEL 2000, KINDLER ,

177 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 177 The numismatic evidence is double proof that the rebel fighters did not reach Jerusalem. In excavations in Jerusalem only four Bar Kokhba coins have been found thus far, a tiny number in comparison with the 15,000 that were found throughout the region. 50 On the other hand, in the areas of the uprising, thousands of coins of the Second Revolt were found. 51 Even the attempt to find evidence of the control of the rebels over Jerusalem in the documents of Wadi Murabba at do not appear to be serious. From an examination of Documents 22 and 29 from Murabba at, it was determined that the papyri dates are before the year 78 CE, and have no connection with the events of the Second Revolt. 52 In view of what has been said above, neither the prohibition of circumcision nor the conversion of Jerusalem into a Roman colony were the immediate causes for the outbreak of the Second Revolt. It may be that these were actually the outcome of the revolt, as part of the punitive measures imposed by Hadrian on the Jews.Therefore the question must be asked: Was there a cause for the outbreak of the Second Revolt? In order to try and answer this question, we shall now turn to the issue of Bar Kokhba s leadership. 4. Bar Kokhba s Leadership The leadership of Bar Kokhba is deduced from scattered evidence in the letters and coins of the revolt, and in rabbinic and Christian sources. I shall open with the words of Eusebius of Caesarea. 4.1 Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 4: 6: And so, as the rebellion of the Jews again progressed in seriousness and extent At that time a certain Bar Cochebas by name, which means star was the general of the Jews, who among 50 ESHEL ZISSU, ESHEL 2001, 17 40; KAUFMAN For a comprehensive discussion of these documents, see: ESHEL 2000; ESHEL 2007.

178 178 MENAHEM MOR other characteristics was a cut throat and a bandit, but who relied on his name, as if dealing with slaves, and boasted that he was a star that had come down from heaven to shed light upon them in their misery Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 4: 6: The same author (Justin) mentioning the war of that time against the Jews, adds the following: For in the Jewish war which has just taken place, Bar Chocheba, the leader of the Jewish rebellion,ordered Christians only to be brought to terrible punishments, if they did not deny Jesus as the Christ and Blaspheme him. 54 This writer mentions the war that was waged in those days against the Jews, and therefore the author notes: In the present Jewish war the leader of the Jewish rebels, Bar Kokhba, commanded that hostility should be shown only to the Christians if they insist on their refusal to deny the messianic nature of Jesus and to blaspheme his name. 55 The Christian sources focused on the leader and his leadership, and on the condition of the Christian community during the revolt, as exemplified in the words of Eusebius. Christian authors wanted to justify the destiny and fate of Judaism after the destruction of the Second Temple, and therefore gave prominence to the leading figure of Bar Kokhba as a false messiah who lied to his believers and brought heavy catastrophe upon them. Paradoxically, the messianic pretensions of the leader of the revolt can be found in the Jewish Talmudic sources in the form of an exegesis of a verse from the prophecy of Balaam: There shall 53 The Fathers of the Church, Eusebius Pamphili, Ecclesiastical History, Books 1 5, Translated by Roy J. Deferari, New York 1953, p I added the emphasis. 54 Ibid., Eusebius cited in Justin, Apol. I for parallel versions, see: Eusebius, Chronicles to the year 133. Latin version: Kokhba the duke of the Jewish sect, killed the Christians through various tortures [since] they refused to support him against the Roman army. Armenian version: Kokhbas, who led the Jewish rebellion punished many of the Christians in several tortures since they refused to fight with him against the Romans. For a discussion on this source, see: BAUCKHAM 1998,

179 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 179 come a star out of Jacob and a scepter shall arise out of Israel (Numbers 24:17): 4.3 Jerusalem Talmud, Ta anith 4, 8: Rabbi Aqiba when he saw Bar Kozebah, he said tis is the king Messiah. Said to him Rabbi Yohanan ben Torta, Aqiba grass will grow on your cheeks, and the Messiah will not yet have come! 56 In 1968 Haim Dov Mantel published an article in which he discusses the motives for the Bar Kokhba revolt, reaching the conclusion that the revolt broke out in 125/126 CE. 57 He dates the background for the disappointment and bitterness among the Jews to the early years of Hadrian s rule because he did not liberate the Land of Israel from Roman bondage as he had for the countries beyond the Euphrates. Mantel accepts the words of Eusebius, in spite of their hostility (4.1), that reflect, in his opinion, the main cause for the outbreak of the revolt. Eusebius does not mention the two causes discussed above. He blames the Jews, whose aspiration for freedom and redemption caused them to rebel against Rome, and who were head by Bar Kokhba whom his supporters regarded as the Messiah. 58 To clarify the question, Mantel discusses once again the national messiah phenomenon that was so widespread in Provincia Judaea during the 1 st century CE. He noted a number of figures whom Josephus said were considered kings or messiahs by their supporters 56 Rabbi Shimon Bar Yohai taught: Rabbi Akiba used to expound: A star shall come out of Jacob, Kosiba shall come out of Jacob. When Rabbi Akiba saw Bar Kosiba he used to say: This is the King Messiah. Rabbi Yohanan ben Torta said to him: Akiba, grass will grow on your cheeks and the Son of David will not have come. Parallel in Lamentations Rabba (Buber edition), p MANTEL , , , MANTEL , 228, 278. Mantel also finds support in the words of Pausanias of the 2 nd century who wrote nearly at the same time as the repression of the revolt: He [Hadrian] never wanted to go to war without a reason. Although he decreased, reduced and constricted the Hebrews who rebelled beyond Syria (Description of Greece, I, 5.5). See also: STERN 1989, II, 192, No. 353.

180 180 MENAHEM MOR (I shall discuss this later on). Mantel notes that, unlike the various messiahs who preceded Bar Kokhba, he enjoyed the support of the Sages of his generation headed by Rabbi Akiba. The declaration of Rabbi Akiba concerning the messianic nature of the rebel leader and his recognition of him as a prince united the Jews in the country and in the Diaspora under the flag of Bar Kokhba. In his further discussion of Eusebius (4.3) Mantel deals mainly with the significance of the titles messiah and prince, and in fact defines the leader of the revolt as a messiah : The extent to which the Jews exalted the personality and later the memory of Bar Kokhba, may be inferred from the Talmud which implies that Bar Kokhba was short of only one quality to make him the Messiah. He was unable to smell whether a litigant was right or wrong. Apparently the Talmud held that all other qualities which Isaiah ascribes to the son of David, were fulfilled in him. ʺnot only had no doubt that Bar Kokhba actually fulfilled the function intended for the Messiah by succeeding in expelling the Romans from Judaea, but that his personality was also suited to the role of the Messiah. 59 Mantel s article did not receive much response in the research literature, mainly because he brought the date of the revolt forward to the year 125/126, a date that does not correspond to what we know about the revolt, and perhaps because of his interest in the messianic nature of the rebel leader. 60 Nevertheless, during the years that have passed, the discussion in the research literature on the question of the messianic and princely nature of Bar Kokhba has widened, and most researchers make the distinction between the eschatological messiah and the national messiah. Recently, Mantel has been given indirect support by Craig Evans, who, like Mantel, argues that the title ʺPrinceʺ, both on the coins and in the letters of the revolt, was imbued with eschatological messianic meaning 59 MANTEL , See MANTEL , See, for example, the criticism of S. Appelbaum (APPELBAUM 1972, 48, n. 53).

181 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 181 resembling the meaning of this title as it was understood in Qumran and in Ezekiel 37: In the opinion of Evans, the literary sources, however few and flimsy, describe Simon Bar Kokhba as the Messiah. He also believes that Rabbi Akiba recognized the messianic nature of Bar Kokhba since to interpret the phrase a star came out of Jacob as referring to him was not merely a call for encouragement but had profound meaning for the supporters of Ben Kosiba and indicated, in his view, that his supporters indeed saw him as the Messiah. 61 Some have tried to learn about the messianic figure of Ben Kosiba from the coins of the revolt the façade of the Temple decorated with a star. Numismatists such as Ya akov Meshorer, Leo Mildenberg, and Arie Kindler reject such suppositions. The first two claim, for example, that the decoration was not a star but a rosette or rose, 62 while Kindler thought that the purpose of this star which is sometimes no more than a kind of cross, is merely to fill empty space on the coin. 63 On the other hand, Hillel Newman argues that on Roman coins the rose and star are the same. He finds parallels to the coins of the revolt in coins from Asia Minor and Greece that were minted in honor of the Divine Antinous, lover of Emperor Hadrian who drowned in the Nile, in which he identifies a star resembling a rose. He therefore continues to maintain the symbolic meaning of the star on the coins of the revolt and its messianic implications. 64 However, most of the researchers have transferred the discussion about messianism to the political sphere. In the opinion of Yisrael Levin: Messianism is not particularly a reason for uprising, but serves in most cases as an expression of the yearnings and impulses that usually originate in other spheres of life. 65 He therefore negates the very existence of political messianism in the descriptions of Josephus, even though there may have been those who 61 EVANS 1995, ; EVANS 2006, MESHORER 1998, 134; MILDENBERG 1984, HABAS 2000, Referring to Kindlerʹs assumption. 64 NEWMAN 2001, LEVINE LEE 1983,

182 182 MENAHEM MOR acted against the Romans out of messianic motives. From the unique words of Rabbi Akiba on Bar Kokhba (4.1) and the use of the title Prince on the coins and in the letters of Simon, one cannot learn, in Levinʹs opinion, about the messianic nature of the revolt. 66 Aharon Oppenheimer also restricts the messianic aspect of the revolt and deduces this from the fact that, in the letters and coins, the description of the leader is Prince and not a king or a messiah. He interprets the image or figure of the leader of the revolt in terms of national realities, as a leader with political and military talents and having the charisma that comes from his great physical strength. 67 Moshe David Herr once again discusses this in Realistic Political Messianism and Cosmic Eschatological Messianism in the Teachings of the Sages. 68 In his opinion, the phenomenon of messianism has many facets and varieties. Between the two extremes of realistic political messianism and catastrophic cosmic eschatological messianism, there exist a variety of shades. He believes that Ben Kosiba himself did not have and was not seen to have the slightest trace of any mystical or apocalyptical experience, and that the Second Revolt was imposed upon him by force of circumstance. 69 Efrat Habas Rubin also rejects the interpretation that regards Bar Kokhba as a messianic figure. In her opinion, the distinction between the title Prince and Prince of Israel is central to the understanding the title of Prince of Israel used by Simon Ben Kosiba. This title was chosen to emphasize that Bar Kokhba had no pretensions to be considered a member of the Davidic dynasty, or to compete with the royal house of David as it was understood in his period and on the other hand, to stress the political and national character of his leadership, while using a title that is not dissociated from the terms familiar in early and late Jewish tradition LEVINE LEE 1983, OPPENHEIMER See also: JAFFÉ 2006, HERR 1985, HERR 1985, HABAS , especially 138.

183 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 183 Peter Schäfer, in returning to sum up the issue of Bar Kokhba and the Sages, continues to reject entirely the historical value of the sources that were mentioned (4.1, and its parallel in Lamentations Rabba, 2,4). He especially refuses to make any connection between Rabbi Akiba and his statement that presumably points to the messianic nature of Bar Kokhba, and the support of the greatest Sage of his generation in the revolt and its leader. He explains how, in his opinion, the events of the Second Revolt and the description of Bar Kosiba himself were critically inserted into the world of the Sages of the 2 nd century CE, and therefore the source in question and those similar to it cannot be considered as evidence of the support of the Sages for the revolt. 71 In Schäfer s view, the title Prince is well embedded in the worldview of Second Temple Judaism. This title was preferred by the Sages to the title of king since it had less ideational impact, since by the 2 nd century CE this title had lost its power with the last of the Hasmonean kings, especially after the reign of Herod. In spite of negating the connection between messianism and the Second Revolt, Schäfer finds no difficulty in attaching the title of Messiah to Bar Kosiba because, in his view, the Messiah was part of contemporary 2 nd century history, and not part of utopia or future history. 72 Most scholars thus see Bar Kosiba as a political and national leader, basing themselves mainly on the various kinds of messiahs mentioned in Josephus. 73 Therefore in order to define the messianism of Bar Kokhba, and whether there was an immediate cause for the outbreak of the revolt, analogy should be used to compare the description of Josephus and other sources with the account on the figure and leadership of Bar Kokhba. 71 SCHÄFER 2003, 1 22, see especially pages 15, 17. In the past, Schäfer cautiously argued that Rabbi Akiba recognized Bar Kokhba as the Messiah. See: SCHÄFER 1978, ; SCHÄFER 1980, However, he argued to exclude R. Akiba s name from this translation (SCHÄFER 1981a). 72 SCHÄFER 2003, MANTEL ,282; HERR 1985, ; SCHÄFER 2003, 19; REINHARTZ 1989, ; EVANS 1995, ; COLLINS 1995, ; GAGER 1998,

184 184 MENAHEM MOR I have listed about twenty types whose names have been associated in Josephus and in other sources with messianism in its widest sense, and who were active in the Land of Israel and in the Diaspora from the time of Ezekias the Galilean, when Herod was the governor of Galilee in 49 BCE, until the suppression of the Bar Kokhba revolt in 135 CE. Josephus describes the phenomenon in general, and these are his words after having given a description of several events that occurred in Herod s kingdom immediately after the king died: Antiquities 17: 258: And now Judea was filled with bandits, and whoever found a few men to join with him in riots was set up as a king and they were hasty (to inflict) disaster on the people. They aggravated the Romans (but) a little, and a few (of them) murdered their own people. Elsewhere he says: The Jewish War II: : Now when these were quieted, it happened, as it does in a diseased body, that another part was subject to an inflammation; for a company of deceivers and robbers got together, and persuaded the Jews to revolt, and exhorted them to assert their liberty, inflicting death on those that continued in obedience to the Roman government, and saying, that such as willingly chose slavery ought to be forced from such their desired inclinations; for they parted themselves into different bodies, and lay in wait up and down the country, and plundered the houses of the great men, and slew the men themselves, and set the villages on fire; and this till all Judea was filled with the effects of their madness. And thus the flame was every day more and more blown up, till it came to a direct war

185 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 185 A study of these descriptions of messiahs shows to what extent nearly all of them have the same characteristics. First, Their activities are very brief and end in failure. All of them acted within confined territorial boundaries, and all had supporters who followed them and were sometimes called a large troop or a large gang, which at the end dispersed in all directions. Some declared themselves or were declared by their supporters as kings, and others treated them like royalty. Most of them are described as handsome men who excelled in height and strength as men of physical vigor and high courage and possessing great daring. Josephus calls them bandit leaders, scoundrels, sorcerers, liars, prophets, and some of them are motivated by madness. All of them are perceived as rebels against the government and find their death in hanging, burning or crucifixion. In order to exemplify this, I shall mention only three of them. Simeon, who was declared by the insanity of his supporters as king and wore a royal crown (Antiq. 17: , JW II:60); Ethronges the Shepherd, who dared to aspire to the throne, was called a king and wore a royal crown, and whom Josephus notes that: He himself dealt with important matters befitting a king (Antiq. 17: ); and Menahem, who appeared in the Temple wearing royal robes (JW II: ). 74 The characteristics mentioned above greatly resemble the descriptions of Bar Kokhba in Jewish and Christian sources. According to the best of my knowledge, the archaeological finds reflect the spread of the revolt within a fairly limited area. 75 In the Jerusalem Talmud, one statement with the reservation of Ben Torta, identifies the leader of the revolt as a messiah, and the Babylonian Talmud presents him after the fact as a false messiah. Traditional sources say that he had an enormous number of supporters, and that he selected his soldiers among them after arduous and dangerous tests of ability and courage such as cutting off a finger or uprooting oaks. He was so strong and ruthless that he killed Eleazar with a kick. From his letters we learn that he was careful to 74 STERN 1991, MOR 2003b,

186 186 MENAHEM MOR observe all the commandments, but traditional sources blame his failure on his arrogance towards God, and he was killed by heavenly decree by a snake that was found around his neck or on his shanks, which were the main center of his strength. It was said that: If God had not killed him, who else could have done so! In Christian sources he is presented as one who claimed he fell from heaven in order to redeem his supporters, and also as a cruel and murderous leader; like bandits, he had enormous strength and attacked anyone who did not support him. Although there is great resemblance between the descriptions of these leaders, there are some outstanding differences. Even though he acted within a limited area, he achieved military success in his battles against the Romans. His activities lasted for nearly four and a half years, and he engaged large forces of the Roman army under the best of their commanders. He set up a well ordered mechanism with which he held command over the areas under his control with a high hand. Indeed, in order to suppress the revolt, the Romans were forced to bring their best commanders and elite units which ended the revolt after a prolonged siege on Betar and a hunt for remaining rebels in the Judaean Desert. Ben Kosiba was therefore a charismatic leader to whom researchers try to ascribe messianic qualities in its various senses, but in his letters and coins of the first year of the revolt, only the title of Prince was attached to his name. These attempts ignore the fact that he was the leader of a fairly local revolt. His name was associated with his place of origin, Khirbet Kosiba, eight kilometers northwest of Hebron, which was the geographical focus of the revolt. 76 The leader of the revolt gained the support of those who lived in that area: Sages, 77 priests, 78 farmers, and perhaps even non Jews. The support was the result of his personality and special abilities. According to the sources, he had the outstanding qualities of charismatic leaders who in times of crisis was followed by the masses, and he led them by virtue of his personality and spec ial abilities. 76 See: SCHÄFER 1999, 15 in which he rejects the name Kosiba as testifying to his place of origin. 77 See: ROZENFELD 2005, See also: HACHAM 2005, GOODBLAT 1996,

187 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 187 While writing this article I thought that the title Messiah would perhaps answer the question as to the immediate motive for the revolt, and that we could return to the forty year old suggestion of Haim Dov Mantel. The cause for the revolt was the messianic nature of the leader of the revolt. However, the deeper I went in my study, the clearer it became that the answer to our question is not in the titles of the leader of the revolt: Messiah, King, or Prince, titles that his supporters or enemies gave him. In view of the messianic characteristics of Bar Kokhba, it appears that he does not fit the definition of a leader of a messianic movement. Messianic movements are usually created by their supporters, and flourish from the ground up. Their leaders are what the movement understands them to be, and they serve as the focal point of a symbolic identity rather than a source of authority and initiative. 79 This is not how the figure of Bar Kokhba is portrayed! From the sources, in spite of their paucity and bias, a charismatic, authoritative, and enterprising figure emerges, who presumably promises to find an answer to the cumulative and continuous difficulties in the social, economic, national and religious spheres, and it is all of these together that were eventually the cause for the Second Revolt. Therefore, if it was not the prohibition of circumcision or the founding of Aelia Capitolina that caused the revolt, and if the emphasis is laid on the leader of the revolt, the question then arises as to the time of the uprising. Why did Ben Kosiba launch the revolt in the year 132 in particular? In my opinion, the date of the revolt should be linked to Hadrian s visit to the region, which extended from the autumn of 129 to the summer of 130. In his itinerary, Hadrian visited Phoenicia, the Land of Israel, and Arabia. From Gaza he took the sea route to Alexandria, from where he returned to Syria. After another visit to Provincia Asia he visited Athens in The urgent visits of Hadrian in the eastern provinces were political attempts to unify the Roman Empire. These visits were 79 TALMON 1965, MILLAR 1993,

188 188 MENAHEM MOR accompanied by building and development enterprises, and there is no doubt that these were an economic burden on the inhabitants of the provinces. The visits of the Caesar imposed a heavy strain on the inhabitants of the Land of Israel who were forced, among other things, to cover the expenses of the emperor s royal retinue, as was the accepted practice. The remarks of Cassius Dio Xhiphilinius hints at the realities of the region. According to them, as long as Hadrian remained in Egypt and Syria, the Jews remained quiescent, but only after he had left the region did they rebel. They took advantage of the period between the visit of Hadrian to the region and the outbreak of the revolt to prepare the area of revolt by amassing weapons and setting up a system of refuge (Cassius Dio, 69, 12.2). The causes were therefore of a continuous nature, and the charismatic leadership of Bar Kokhba swept up his followers who went out in revolt against the Romans. REFERENCES APPELBAUM, S The Second Revolt and its Research. In: Studies in Jewish History and the Land of Israel II, 48, n. 53. BAUCKHAM, R Jews and Jewish Christians in the Land of Israel at the Time of the Bar Kochba War, with special reference to the Apocalypse of Peter. In: STANTON, G. N., STROMUSA, G. G. (eds.), Tolerance and Intolerance in Early Judaism and Christianity, Cambridge, BOATWRIGHT, M. T Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire, Princeton. BRUNT, P. A On Historical Fragments and Epitomes, CQ 30, COLLINS, J. J The Scepter and the Star: The Messiahs and Other Ancient Literature, New York. ELIAV, Y. Z. 1997, Hadrian s Actions in the Jerusalem Temple Mount according to Cassius Dio and Xiphilini Manus, Jewish Studies Quarterly 4, ELIAV, Y. Z The Urban Layout of Aelia Capitolina: A New View from the Perspective of the Temple Mount. In: SCHÄFER, P. (ed.), The Bar Kokhba War

189 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 189 Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Jewish Revolt against Rome, Tübingen, ELIAV, Y. Z God s Mountain: The Temple Mount in Time, Place, and Memory, Baltimore. ESHEL, H Bethar was Captured and the City was Plowed: Jerusalem, Aeliea Capitolina, and the Bar Kokhba Revolt, Eretz Israel 28, [Hebrew]. ESHEL, H The Date of the Founding of Aelia Capitolina. In: SCHIFFMANN, L. H., TOV, E., VAN DERKAM, J. (eds.), The Dead Sea Scrolls: Fifty Years after their Discovery, Jerusalem, ESHEL, H., ZISSU, B Coins from the el Jai Cave in Nahal Mikhmash (Wadi Suweinit), Israel Numismatic Journal 14, EVANS, C Jesus and His Contemporaries: Comparative Studies, Leiden. Evans, C Jesus and His Contemporaries: Comparative Studies, Leiden. EVANS, C. A Messianic Hoes and Messianic Figures in Late Antiquity, Journal of Greco Roman Christianity and Judaism 3, FRIEDHEIM, E. 2007, The Religious and Cultural World of Aelia Capitolina: A New Perspective, Archiv Orientáalni 75, GAGER, J Messiahs and their Followers. In: SCHÄFER, P., COHEN, M. (eds.), Toward the Millennium: Messianic Expectations form the Bible to Waco, Leiden, GICHON, M New Insight into the Bar Kokhba War and a Reappraisal of Dio Cassius , Jewish Quarterly Review 77, GOLAN, D. 1988, Iudaei in Scriptores Historiae Augusta, Latomus 47, 338. GOLAN, D. 1989, Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Vita Hadriani, Jerusalem, [Hebrew]. GOLAN, D Hadrian s Decision to Supplant Jerusalem by Aelia Capitolina, Historia 35, GOODBLAT, D Priestly Ideologies of Judean Resistance, JSQ 3, GOODMAN, M Diaspora Reactions to the Destruction of the Temple. In: Dunn, D. G. (ed.), Jews and Christians: The Parting of the Ways, A.D , Tübingen,

190 190 MENAHEM MOR GOODMAN, M Trajan and the Origins of the Bar Kokhba War, In: SCHÄFER, P. (ed.), The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Jewish Revolt Against Rome Tübingen, HABAS, R. E The Title of Simeon ben Kosba. In: SCHWARTZ, J. et al. (eds.), Jerusalem and Eretz Israel, Arie Kindler Volume, Tel Aviv, [Hebrew]. HACHAM, N Rabban Simeon ben Gamliel in Beitar, Tarbiz 74, [Hebrew]. HENGEL, M. 1996, Judaica et Hellenistica: Klein Schriften, I, Tübingen. HERR, M. D. 1972, Persecutions and Martyrdom in Hadrian s Days, Scripta Hierosolymitana HERR, M. D. 1978, The Causes of the Bar Kokhba War, Zion 43, 1 11 [Hebrew]. HERR, M. D Realistic Political Messianism and Cosmic Eschatological Messianism in the Teachings of the Sages, Tarbiz 54, [Hebrew]. HIMMELFARB, M R. Moses the Preacher and the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, AJS Review 9, HIMMELFARB, M Some Echoes of Jubilees in Medieval Hebrew Literature. In: REEVES, J.C. (ed.), Tracing the Threads: Studies in the Vitality of Jewish Pseudoepigraphia, Atlanta, IRSHAI, O Constantine and the Jews: The Prohibition Against Entering Jerusalem: History and Historiography, Zion 65, [Hebrew]. ISAAC, B The Near East Under Roman Rule, Selected Papers, Leiden. ISAAC, B The Invention of Racisim in Classical Antiquity, Princeton/Oxford ISAAC, B Attitude of the Romans Towards the Jews and Judaism, Zion 65 [Hebrew]. JAFFÉ, D La figure messianique de Bar Kokhba, Henoch 28, KAUFMAN, J. C Additions to the Corpus of Leo Mildenberg s Coinage of the Bar Kokhba War, Israel Numismatic Journal 14, KINDLER, A Was Aelia Capitolina Founded before or after the Outbreak of the Bar Kokhba War?: A Numismatic Evidence, Israel Numismatic Journal 14,

191 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 191 LEVINE LEE, I Messianic trends at the End of the Second Temple Days. In: BARAS, Z. (Ed.), Messianism and Eschatology. A Collection of Essays, Jerusalem, [Hebrew]. MANTEL, H. D The Causes of the Bar Kokhba Revolt, Jewish Quarterly Review 58, , ; 59, MESHORER, Y A Coin Hoard of the Bar Kokhbaʹs Time, Israel Museum News 4, MESHORER, Y The Coinage of Aelia Capitolina, Jerusalem. MESHORER, Y The Jewish Coin Hoard, Jerusalem [Hebrew]. MILDENBERG, L The Coinage of the Bar Kokhba War, Arrau. MILLAR, F The Roman Near East, 31 BC AD 337, Cambridge. MOR, M The Bar Kochba Revolt: Its Extent and Effect, Jerusalem [Hebrew]. MOR, M. 2003a. From Samaria to Shechem: The Samaritan Community in Antiquity, Jerusalem [Hebrew]. MOR, M. 2003b. The Geographical Scope of the Bar Kokhba Revolt. In: SCHÄFER, P. (ed.), The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered, Tübingen, MOR, M., RAPPAPORT, U Bibliography of Works on the Bar Kokhba Revolt ( ). In: HANAN, E., ZISSU, B. (eds.), New Studies on the Bar Kokhba Revolt, Proceedings of the 21 st Annual Conference of the Martin (Szusz) Department of Land of Israel Studies, March 13 th 2001, Ramat Gan, NEWMAN, H The Star of Bar Kokhba. In: ESHEL, H., ZISSU, B. (eds.), New Studies on the Bar Kokhba Revolt, Proceedings of the 21 st Annual Conference of the Martin (Szusz) Department of Land of Israel Studies, March 13 th, 2001, Ramat Gan, OPPENHEIMER, A Bar Kokhbaʹs Messianism. In: BARAS, Z. (Ed.), Messianism and Eschatology. A Collection of Essays, Jerusalem, [Hebrew]. OPPENHEIMER, A The Ban on Circumcision as a Cause of the Revolt. In: SCHÄFER, P. (ed.), The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered, Tübingen,

192 192 MENAHEM MOR OPPENHEIMER, A., ISAAC, B History of the Research on the Bar Kokhba Revolt, In: KLONER, A., TEPER, Y. (eds.), Hiding Systems in the Plains of Judaea, Tel Aviv [Hebrew]. PUCCI BEN ZEEV, M The Uprisings in the Jewish Diaspora, , The Cambridge History of Judaism IV, RABELLO, A. M. 1995, The Ban on Circumcision as a Cause of Bar Kokhbaʹs Rebellion, Israel Law Review 29, 187. Rabello, Ban, REINHARTZ, A Rabbinic Perceptions of Simeon bar Kosiba, Journal for the Study of Judaism 20, ROKEAH, D The War of Kitos: Towards the Clarification of a Philological Historical Problem, Scripta Hiersosolymitana 23, ROZENFELD, B. Z The Sages of the Bar Kokhbaʹs Generation and their Approach to the Revolt According to the Tanaitic Literature. In: GERA, D., BEN ZEEV M. (eds.), The Path of Peace. Studies in Honor of Israel Friedman Ben Shalom, Beer Sheva, [Hebrew]. SCHÄFER, P R. Aqiva und Bar Kokhba. In: SCHÄFER, P. (ed.), Studien zur Geschichte und Theologie des rabbinischen Judentums, Leiden, SCHÄFER, P Rabbi Aqiva and Bar Kokhba. In: GREEN, W. S. (ed.), Approaches to Ancient Judaism, Vol. II, Chicago, SCHÄFER, P. 1981a. Der Bar Kokhba Aufstand, Studien zum Zweiten Jüdische Krieg gegen Rom, Tübingen. SCHÄFER, P. 1981b. The Causes of the Bar Kokhba Revolt. In: FLEISCHER, E., PETUCHOWSKI, J. J. (eds.), Studien in Aggadah, Targum and Jewish Liturgy, in Memory of Joseph Heinemann, Jerusalem, SCHÄFER, P Hadrian s Policy in Judea and the Bar Kokhba Revolt: A Reassessment. In: Davis, P. R., White, R. (eds.), Tribute to Geza Vermes: Essays on Jewish and Christian Literature and History, Sheffield, SCHÄFER, P The Bar Kokhba Revolt and Circumcision: Historical Evidence and Modern Apologetics. In: OPPENHEIMER, A. (ed.), Jüdische Geschichte in hellenistisch römischer Zeit:, Wege der Forschung: von alten zum neuen Schürer, München,

193 Are There Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt? 193 SCHÄFER, P Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis. In: SCHÄFER, P. (ed.), The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered, Tübingen, SHAHAR, Y Was there a Civilian Settlement in Jerusalem between the Two Jewish Revolts?. In: BARUCH, E., FAUST, A. (eds.), New Studies in Jerusalem 12, [Hebrew]. STERN, M. 1989, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, Vol. 1, Jerusalem. STERN, M The Leadership among the Groups of Freedom Fighters at the end of Second Temple Period. In: AMIT, M., GAFNI, I., HERR, D. M. (eds.), Studies in the Jewish History, The Second Temple Period, Jerusalem, [Hebrew]. SYME, R. 1971a. The Historia Augusta: A Call of Clarity, Bonn. SYME, R. 1971b. Emperors and Biography: Studies in the Historia Augusta, Oxford. TALMON, Y Pursuit of the Millennium: The Relation between Religious and Social Change. In: LESSA, W., VOGT, E. (eds.), Reader in Comparative Religion: An Anthropological Approach, 2 nd ed., New York. TA SHEMA, I. M Rabbi Moses Hadarshan and the Apocryphal Literature. In: HOROWITZ, C. (ed.), Studies in Jewish History and Literature, Lectures Delievered on the Memorial day for the Late Yitzhak Twersky at the Touro Graduate School of Jewish Studies, Jerusalem [Hebrew]. TSAFRIR, Y The Topography and Archaeology of Aelia Capitoline. In: TSAFRIR, Y., SAFRAI SHMUEL, Y., (eds.), The History of Jerusalem: The Roman and Byzantine Periods ( C.E.), Jerusalem. ZISSU, B., ESHEL, H The Geographical Distribution of the Bar Kokhba Coins: What was renewed in the last Twenty Years ( ). In: ESHEL, H., ZISSU, B. (eds.), New Studies on the Bar Kokhba Revolt, Proceedings of the 21 st Annual Conference of the Martin (Szusz) Department of Land of Israel Studies, March 13 th, 2001, Ramat Gan,

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195 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, PARTICULAR COMMEMORATION HABITS OF THE MIDDLE CLASS FROM ROMAN DACIA RADA VARGA 1 Keywords: epigraphy, social history, middle class, epigraphic habit, Roman provincial society Abstract: The current research focuses on a very specific class of funerary monuments from province Dacia: those in which absolutely no professional, social or status mentioning existed for neither deceased nor commemorator. The characters thus registered mainly represent part of what we would define as the economical and social middle class of the provincial society. Without being totally out of borders, their epigraphic behaviour is slightly different from that of other groups, classes or categories registered so far, underlining once again the necessity of a flexible and manifold approach when studying the layers of Roman society. Résumé: L objet de la présente étude est constitué par une catégorie particulière des monuments funéraires de la province romaine de la Dacie: ceux qui ne mentionnent aucun détail professionnel, social ou de statut concernant le défunt ou les personnes s étant chargés de sa sépulture. L utilisation de ces critères nous ont permis d identifier une série de personnages appartenant dans la plupart des cas aux classes moyennes du système socio économique provincial. Sans être tout à fait atypique, leur comportement épigraphique diffère légèrement par rapport à celui des autres catégories visibles dans les sources jusquʹà présent, soulignant une fois de plus la nécessité dʹune approche flexible et diversifiées dans les études portant sur la structure de la société romaine. Rezumat: Cercetarea de față vizează o categorie aparte de monumente funerare din provincia Dacia: cele care nu prezintă absolut nici un detaliu profesional, social sau de statut, referitor fie la defunct, fie la comemorator. Personajele astfel identificate fac parte din clasa mijlocie, economică şi socială, a provinciei. Fără a fi complet atipic, comportamentul lor epigrafic prezintă unele iregularități față de cel al altor grupuri, clase This work was supported by a grant of the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research, CNCS UEFISCDI, project number PN II ID PCE Centre for Roman Studies, Babeş Bolyai University, Cluj Napoca, radavarga@gmail.com.

196 196 RADA VARGA sau categorii cercetate în trecut, subliniind încă o dată necesitatea unei metodologii flexibile şi diversificate în studierea straturilor societății romane. Erecting a funerary monument bears, in any and every culture, the form of a statement on multiple levels. Conventionally, for the Roman provincial world, an epigraphic monument was considered a sign of adopting the Empire s cultural habits and being (or becoming) part of its established society. The current research aims at analyzing a certain category of Dacia s funerary epigraphy and partially re signifying the meaning of monuments and epigraphs in this limes province. The necessity of researching the funerary epigraphy of the less important members of society constituted the initial reason and starting point of this scientific enterprise. The need for a more flexible approach on social history 2 has long been stated, as has been the value of cultural interpretation of the Roman inscriptions. I was determined to find out certain funerary patterns connected to the lower and middle classes of province Dacia concerning the characters involved, as well as the form(s) of expression, if and when possible and to underline a few details regarding Dacia s non elite categories of inhabitants. During the research, I have reached a couple of unexpected conclusions and maybe more importantly, adopted a different methodology from the one envisioned in the first place. Merely defining the syntagma of middle class or lower class for the Roman society is a challenge in itself and the act implies from the start considerable relativity and subjectivism. All marginals, from slaves and private liberti to peregrines and the poor plebs urbana, can be counted among the representatives of the lower strata. As well, the ones that leave written epigraphic traces are rather part of the provincial middle classes than of the basic lower strata, as it is obvious that in their regard we are not dealing with absolute poverty maybe only with relative, 2 See ALSTON 2011, 1 33, for a general theoretical approach on rereading the history of the lower classes, though his study is focused on the issues of slaves and slavery.

197 Particular Commemoration Habits of the Middle Class from Roman Dacia 197 comparative poverty 3. Without certainty of the results, I have decided to adopt a form of classification which I hadn t met before: I took into consideration those funerary inscriptions in which absolutely no professional, social or status mentioning existed for neither deceased nor commemorator. Of course, one must decide for him/herself if the lack of such details stands for their real absence. The uncertainties of the path opened by this methodological choice are evident from the start: the results could be considered as connected to the spiritual prevalence of the funerary monument over its social meaning for certain persons, rather than to a specific category of inhabitants. But rendering this doubt absolute is as scientifically wrong as completely ignoring it. I strongly believe that the gathered inscriptions shed light on society and selfexpression alike, being illustrative for the ways and means of representation of part of the province s middle class 4. Following the criterion presented above, I have gathered a total of 124 inscriptions and about 280 names (I have taken into consideration solely the names that can be read or at least plausibly reconstructed). It must be mentioned that a few other inscriptions might pertain to this group (i.e. CIL III 7669 or CIL III 7698 etc., but their extreme deterioration makes, on one side, the framing difficult and on the other side they would have brought no informational contribution). For the epigraphy of Dacia, the number of inscriptions is rather modest, but for its onomastics, the names represent a quite high figure: almost 10% of the names registered so far 5 in the province, from all types of epigraphic sources (stone monuments, as well as military diplomas, wax tablets and instrumenta). On the given epitaphs, 132 ages at death have been counted. Out of the approximately 500 ages registered in Dacia 6, our figure means about 25%. 3 OSBORNE 2006, I have decided upon avoiding the term of plebs media. Though quite popular among a series of Roman social history researchers, it is pronouncedly scholastic and it requires supplementary defining. 5 Unfortunately, we do not have a complete catalogue of the personal names registered in Roman Dacia. The present estimation is based on a general figure provided by Mihai Săsărman, whose developing PhD research is focused on the onomastics of province Dacia. 6 MIHAILESCU BÎRLIBA 2004, 9.

198 198 RADA VARGA I find this percentages revealing it proves that a consistent part of Dacia s population 7 erected funerary monuments without the desire to advertise something more than a name and to commemorate the memory of a loved one. The first analysis that I will present focuses on the discussed monuments geographical areas of concentration. On the map listed below, I have graphically marked the most important sites and the distinctions between them, as explained in the following lines. Thus, the great majority of the inscriptions come from Dacia Superior, fact that is in a consensus with the general situation of Dacia s epigraphs. Great concentrations are to be observed in the urban centres of Apulum and Sarmizegetusa and a high number of inscriptions come from other towns, such as Napoca, Potaissa, Ampelum and to a lesser degree Drobeta. The quantity of inscriptions coming from the urban centres of the province is fully explainable: here, on one side, the desire and the habit of erecting a stone monument was more pertinently present and on the other side, the financial situation of even the lesser members of the community must have been better that the one of many rural inhabitants. I shall not insist on estimating the costs of a stone monument 8, as we basically do not know how high or how affordable they could have been in Dacia, nor on the speculations concerning wood (or other perishable materials) epigraphy 9, but especially this second issue must be kept in mind when one separates the urban and the rural environments. A special case is 7 This statement needs to be explained, as a consistent part of any province s population has no epigraphical manifestations. The distinction between demography and epigraphic representativeness has been underlined in a very convincing fashion by J. Herman (HERMAN 1983). Studying the case of Gaul, he calculated that about 0,5% of the population of the province had ever erected an epigraphic monument and that only about 0,02% of the names were preserved and are known to us. 8 The only actual figures I have encountered come from Roman Africa and thus implicitely from a space with totally different cultural and economical realities from the one currently researched and they indicate that the average monument costed between 1000 and 2000 sestertii (DUNCAN JONES 1962, 90 91). On the other hand, at Lambaesis an ordinary monument could cost less than 100 sestertii (CIL VIII = 3042), which is far from a generally prohibitive price. 9 KEPPIE 1991, 105.

199 Particular Commemoration Habits of the Middle Class from Roman Dacia 199 Alburnus Maior, where massive excavations have been carried out during the last decades, resulting in an impressive number of inscriptions and in the fact that the settlement 10 is now the only properly documented peregrine community from Dacia. A last detail worth mentioning is the presence of only two military centres among the settlements with a high number of inscriptions: Arcobadara and Micia. The fact is not surprising in itself, as most militaries, as well as their families, mention the connection to the unit as a badge of honour or at least as identification mark. Fig. 1. The geographical distribution of the sites with relevant concentration of monuments Maybe the most important analysis to be undertaken is that of family relations. Confirming studies on different epigraphic samples and 10 For a few general ideas, see PISO 2004 and CIONGRADI 2009.

200 200 RADA VARGA from various parts of the Empire, the best represented group is that of spouses. The majority held by monuments reflecting conjugal relations is the common standard for funerary inscriptions, especially for the lower classes 11. As it would have been expected, the predominance is held by the monuments dedicated to the memory of wives. Nonetheless, the number of commemorated husbands is not small, compared to the general situation registered in Dacia: we have counted a total of 48 monuments, out of which 17 were dedicated to husbands. Expectably, the average age of death for the husbands is higher than that of the wives; it is hard to establish if this feature is connected to epigraphic habits, or has purely demographic reasons 12. The ages of men vary between 20 and 70 years, with the majority listed in the interval of years. It is worth mentioning, though the detail might mainly be related to hazard, that all these epigraphs come from Dacia Superior. The pre eminence of this region is also visible for monuments dedicated to wives, but in this case the other two Daciae are also represented. Being generally more diversified, the epitaphs dedicated to wives cover a larger range of ages: from 17 (or 19 IDR III/3, 180) to 70 years. Here, the bulk is to be found for the interval of years. It is also worth noticing that some of our characters are referred to in more than one way: thus, some of the husbands are also remembered as fathers (the monument being erected by the widow and children/child: IDR III/3, 337; IDR III/4, 492), while some wives are also commemorated as mothers of their children (IDR III/5, 571; IDR III/4, 198). 11 SALLER, SHAW 1984, 138 uncovered as extreme precentages 66% for Republican Latium (with most inscriptions concerning members of the lower orders) and 22% for the imperial senatorial families. 12 A research undertaken by L. Henry, in 1959, sheds some light on the matter. He compared the deaths registered in the civil documents of a French community in to the existing tombstones. The stone monuments revealed a situation resembling to the Roman epigraphy, while the civil records evoked a different reality. For example, the percentage of women deceased at ages between 15 and 34 years is with 50% higher according to the funerary monuments that it actually appears to be in the civil records (HENRY 1959, ).

201 Particular Commemoration Habits of the Middle Class from Roman Dacia 201 Fig. 2. Family relations A consistent part of the monuments are erected as an act of remembrance of deceased children, sons and daughters alike and in this point the discussion is to be extended. Thus, the balance between sons and daughters is quite equilibrated, with a few inscriptions in the favour of the sons group. If we consider infant mortality up to the age of 10, we have a number of 31 children commemorated, among whom 22 are boys. This detail is crucially important: in the whole province, 73 names of children under the mentioned age have been registered on funerary monuments 13. Thus, about 40% of the infants commemorated in Dacia belong to this category; the percentage is very high and extremely eloquent, as besides the established local and municipal elites and the liberti, we have also ruled out the military element that is generally crucial for Dacia s epigraphy. These data talk about the popularity of certain practices and 13 For the general demographic picture of Dacia, see MIHAILESCU BÎRLIBA 2004, 44.

202 202 RADA VARGA confirm some trends generally noticed by researchers in the western side of the Empire 14. The best represented age group is that of 2 5 years, detail that concords with the whole Dacian picture, where the group is well represented, though not dominant. If we take into consideration all children, up to the age of 20 (we have only one exception: a girl of 25 commemorated by her parents), we record 53 characters, among whom 34 are boys. Easy to imagine, sons were a bit more often commemorated than daughters, but the percentages are not totally unbalanced, as I have already stated. So, without considering that mourning for a child was alien to the elites, exhibiting these feelings certainly was not common for them 15. Among the lesser (non elite) classes, the public and the private appear to have been intertwined to a higher degree. Exhibiting the family s wealth through a monument no matter how relative this well being was was not necessarily connected to pompously presenting the public achievements of one of its important personalities. As well, publically mourning, even if it was for a child and not for a prominent member of the family, might not have been perceived by the non elite as a sign of weakness, but as a part of everyday life. As one can clearly notice, commemorations usually took place inside the nuclear family; the practice is of course natural and has been observed in other provinces as well 16. Though not so well represented, other relationships pertaining to the extended family are also encountered: parents, brothers, mothers in law, granddaughter and grandson, niece and nephew, a maternal aunt. Two monuments bear the inscription ipse posuit with the mentioning that they are not necessarily sibi se vivo monuments, as we will see through the following example. The practice is not exquisitely rare in itself, being common in northern Italy, 14 See J. MacWilliam for Italy (MACWILLIAM 2005, 92). 15 MACWILLIAM 2005, 84 states that no burial markers for children of the senatorial order was discovered in Italy and only one child was clearly designated as part of an equestrian family. 16 SALLER, SHAW 1984, 124 on the Roman core family unit. EDMONSON 2005, 198 brings forth the example of Lusitania.

203 Particular Commemoration Habits of the Middle Class from Roman Dacia 203 Raetia, Gallia Narbonensis and Noricum, in the last mentioned province dominating the funerary epigraphy 17. What catches the eye for our sample is one of them, belonging to a 27 years old woman, whose testamentary executor is a woman as well (IDR III/2, 399). It is essential that the tomb stone comes from Sarmizegetusa, where probably there lived enough women financially independent and not necessarily willing to link their name to that of any men from the family. Some other cases are noteworthy as well: the two monuments dedicated to grandchildren are actually both erected by grandmothers. The children were very young (5 and respectively 7 years) and the monuments come from Sarmizegetusa (IDR III/2, 392) and Apulum (IDR III/5, 553). Out of the groups mentioned above, one requires special attention: the parents. The commemorators are generally sons, but daughters also appear as such on a percentagely large proportion: almost 20%. The omission of age is the generally customary practice when one commemorates a parent 18. But in our case, the age is present on every single monument of this kind (we are dealing with a total of 17 monuments a low number and maybe an unimpressive percentage, but still the reality reflected is rather relevant for the general picture). Of course, in more than half of the cases we can suspect that the ages of death were approximate, as they can be divided to 5 or 10; the phenomenon is quite frequent in Dacia and in the Empire and the reason might simply be the fact that certain people did not know their exact year of birth, thus being in the impossibility of making it known to the heirs. More than for the other groups discussed above, in this case we register certain equilibrium between monuments dedicated to mothers and those dedicated to fathers. A certain case deserves special attention, through its nature and for the questions it raises: that of Tuticia Adrastilla from Apulum (IDR III/5, 584), who died at 19 years, 2 months and 20 days, is described as karissima and is theoretically commemorated by her daughter. The exact age, as well as the daughter nominally erecting the monument (at an age when she couldn t have had nor the material means 17 SALLER, SHAW 1984, HOPKINS 1966, 246.

204 204 RADA VARGA for doing so, nor probably the power of understanding required for such an act), are most probably signs of the fact that the daughter is the sole heir, her inheritance being administered by tutors at the time of the mother s death. The inscription in itself does not exist anymore and it is only registered in CIL (CIL III 1246) following Marsili s drawing. If the sketch followed reality and we have no reasons to doubt the general picture, even if we remain skeptical about the details the monument is beautifully adorned, quite imposing and it rather indicates a rich family. Fig. 3. CIL III 1246 (drawing after Marsili) Without being totally out of borders, the epigraphic behaviour of this group, delimited through a more or less methodological novelty, is slightly different from that of other groups, classes or categories registered so far. Maybe the most obvious atypical behaviour is the mentioning of ages, even if there is nothing abnormal or highly relevant about them. We

205 Particular Commemoration Habits of the Middle Class from Roman Dacia 205 have the parents ages, as well as the ages of husbands deceased at maturity, mentioned as a general rule, not an exception. These patterns are not exactly the customary ones for Dacia and an important part of the old ages in general and the middle ages of men known in the province s epigraphy come from this group. A matter that becomes self evident is the lack of monuments erected by non familial heirs or simply friends. It appears that these kinds of relationships, when not connected to a certain collegium, to freedmen or explicitly to the military environment (and thus excluded from the present study) do not hold a significant place in society. Basically, lacking amity and dependency relations, the only liaisons we have attested are family ones. Table 1. Age structures Age category Number of F M characters

206 206 RADA VARGA The age structure of the group is not extremely relevant, as the sample is small, but a comparison with the provincial situation could bring an addition to our knowledge on Dacia s funerary and epigraphic practices. At the scale of the province, the interval for which most ages have been registered 19 is that of years, with consistent number of epitaphs erected to men and women alike. For our group, predominance is held as detailed above by monuments erected for children and three adult age intervals are equally represented: 21 25, and It is noteworthy that while the intervals of 20s count a slight dominance of commemorations for women, the last age group presents equal number of monuments. Another interesting detail is that the eldest female age as well as the eldest general age so far reported for Dacia come from this particular class of monuments so offering us little information on these men. Personalizing the information, the epitaphs have been erected for Candia Maximi (IDR III/4, 196), 90 years old, commemorated along with her husband by a son (or sons) whose name has not been preserved and for Marcus Aurelius Scenobarbus (IDR III/3, 415), 100 years old, whose relation with the commemorator, a man, we do not know. Both ages are rounded and they might simply be a way of expressing very old ages, rather than exact calculations. Lastly, we must analyze the data we have on the exact identity of the recorded characters. I have tried to do this by following two major coordinates: their juridical status and their names. As already implies, the freedmen have been excluded from the database our study is applied on, as the indication of the status of libertus is clearly a social statement. On the other side, the mentioning of a servile status without connecting it to any position or office is more of an identification mark than a social commendation; more so, the slaves identified as such do not erect monuments for their masters, but for family members. From one point of 19 After MIHAILESCU BÎRLIBA 2004, p

207 Particular Commemoration Habits of the Middle Class from Roman Dacia 207 view, the juridical situation amazes: while the general funerary epigraphy of the peregrines from Dacia is quite consistent, in this case they are present only through 15 inscriptions (a total of a mere 17% from the funerary monuments of this class, compared to a roughly 20% for the provincial whole). Even if the percentages are congruent, the surprise lies in the small number of pieces, contrary to expectations. The detail is important, because it shows that most of the peregrines need to say something more about themselves and their families when erecting a monument. The phenomenon of local citizenship is also rendered by few monuments: those of (...) Macrinus cives Treverus (IDR III/2, 427), of Alexandrinus cives Bithynus (IDR III/3, 11) and of Asclepius qui et Asclepiades, as well cives Bithynus (IDR III/3, 342). As expected, the slaves are highly under represented the situation is true for Dacia in general and the need to exhibit a certain position/function is naturally deeper and more acute for the servile class. The names reveal an unsurprising situation: a majority of 67% are Roman names. The feature is in a consensus with the situation of the province, where the general predominance of Roman names has also been confirmed at the level of various non elite groups. The second quantitative group is represented by the Greek names, mirroring again the general image of the province. The Illyrian names mostly come from Alburnus Maior, while the Celtic ones are as well normal presences in Dacia s onomastical picture. Without the desire to discard the percentages, one must keep in mind the uncertainty of some of the Celtic names, which can be linguistically traced in more than one etymologic group 20. The Thracian names, though frequent at the provincial scale, come in a small percentage from the researched sample; this detail can be related to hazard, to epigraphic habit and to a certain association of the Thracians with the army alike. The Semitic names are few, while the ones listed as German names have been categorized deductively (for example, Aurelius Germanus s CIL III 916 cognomen cannot be consider Roman, despite its Latin etymology, but the name s connection to a certain Germanic origin or at least descendancy is relative). Up to a point, Dacia s onomastics is 20 PAKI 2006, 507.

208 208 RADA VARGA the one of a colonial elite 21, the pre conquest natives being the great absents of the epigraphy of the province. Lastly, it is worth mentioning that two names present nickname agnomina, an intersting category of supernomina directly connected to the lower social classes 22 and not so frequent in Dacia s epigraphy, compared to other provinces. They are Planio Baezi qui et Magister (IDR III/3, 423), bearing Illyrian name and patronymic and Asclepius qui et Asclepiades (IDR III/3, 342), in whose case we are actually faced with the translation of his name. Fig. 4. Name statistics The expressions and epithets employed in the epitaphs are the regular ones. When, besides or instead of the most common bene merenti other epithets appear, they are usually employed in the superlative form. So, children regularly are piisimus(a), inocentus or carus, wives are piisima 21 Though deeply influenced by political considerations, L. Balla was partially right in this regard (BALLA 1987). 22 KAJANTO 1966, 15.

209 Particular Commemoration Habits of the Middle Class from Roman Dacia 209 or pientissima, but also karissima, dignissima and integra, husbands and parents are pientissimus or c(k)arissimus and the amita (IDR III/4, 546) is piisima. One more interesting detail is that even if most of the monuments lack in handicraft not to speak of artistic quality they are rich in details 23. The lack of socio professional data is somehow counterbalanced by the fact that almost every inscription comprises the names of both commemorator(s) and deceased, the relation between them, the age at death and at least a dedicatory epithet. Besides the obvious social meaning that the monuments must have had even for these characters, we might assume that the sense of spiritual duty was predominant in many of the cases. We should once again underline that professional or other status details must have been consciously omitted from some epitaphs, due to the desire of truly commemorate the dead above promoting the living. When the epitaph gained meaning in the mind of the reader, as of course it was meant to do, in these cases it was not intended to be a preponderantly social one. An incommensurable informational drawback lies in the fact that we basically know nothing about the position that these funerary monuments occupied inside the necropolises. Even if the doubts expressed by W. Scheidel 24 in interpreting the archaeological data offered by Roman necropolises (regarding the communities serves by a cemetery, the inner organization criteria, the migration afflux etc.) are well funded, planimetrical distinctions can sometimes suggest differentiations between groups and individuals inside a given community 25. Concluding, the basic questions for initiating this study were: Who erected funerary monuments without any socio professional detail mentioned? What patterns of commemoration if any can we discover in these monuments? These questions have been, at least up to a point, answered or, more exactly, the ideas began to take shape, as the research needs to be extended for truly conclusive results. The group 23 For a classification of Roman funerary inscriptions after the data they report, see HOPKINS 1966, SCHEIDEL 2001, 11 sqq. 25 CROWE 2006, 152.

210 210 RADA VARGA epigraphically analyzed in this study represents part of what we would correctly define as the economical and social middle class of a provincial society. Of course, the analyzed characters are not the only ones that can be defined as such just as the funerary inscriptions are not the only type of sources to be researched and some of them might actually be part of the elite (though most probably not the provincial first rank elite). What the present research lets us understand is that we have different levels of epigraphic expression (and self expression, ultimately) at the scale of a not necessarily epigraphically rich province. The stake is seeing, through the epigraphic source, the real layers of the provincial society. At this point, the research must be deepened and extended. We have discovered a certain group, with slightly different epigraphic habits from the general picture and that can be identified with a part of the provincial middle class. Its main epigraphic characteristics, as observed and described above, are the almost unanimous mentioning of ages, the recording of parents ages, the high degree of commemorating young children, the relative equilibrium between males and females commemorated (especially reflected by spouses monuments). Further on, comparison within the province, as well as with the neighbour provinces of Dacia appears necessary. A wider picture would and will show us if the differences in manifestation that delimitate this group from the provincial elite, noted in the current study, are a general characteristic or not. REFERENCES ALSTON, R Rereading ancient slavery. In: ALSTON, R., HALL, E., PROFFITT, L. (eds.), Reading ancient slavery, London New York, BALLA, L Questions de l histoire de la population dans la Dacie romaine, ACD, 23, CIONGRADI, C Die römischen Steindenkmäler aus Albvrnvs Maior, Cluj Napoca.

211 Particular Commemoration Habits of the Middle Class from Roman Dacia 211 CROWE, F Women, burial data and issues of inclusion. In: DIXON, S. (ed.), Childhood, class and kin in the Roman world, London New York, DUNCAN JONES, R Costs, outlays and summae honorariae from Roman Africa, Papers of the British School at Rome, 30, EDMONSON, J Family relations in Roman Lusitania. In: GEORGE, M. (ed.), The Roman family in the Empire. Rome, Italy and beyond, Oxford New York, HENRY, L L âge du décès daprès les inscriptions funéraires, Population, 14, HERMAN, J La langue latine dans la Gaule romaine, ANRW, II, 29, 2, HOPKINS, K On the probable age structure of the Roman population, Population studies, 20, 2, KAJANTO, I Supernomina. A study in Latin epigraphy, Communicationes Humanarum Litterarum, 40, 1, Helsinki. KEPPIE, L Understanding Roman inscriptions, Baltimore. MACWILLIAM, J Children among the dead. In: DIXON, S. (ed.), Childhood, class and kin in the Roman world, London New York, MIHAILESCU BÎRLIBA, L Individu et société en Dacie romaine, Wiesbaden. OSBORNE, R Roman poverty in context. In: ATKINS, M., OSBORNE, R. (eds.), Poverty in the Roman world, New York, PAKI, A Provincial prosopography: methodological approaches. In: GAIU, C., GĂZDAC, C. (eds.), Fontes Historiae. Studia in honorem Demetrii Protase, Bistrița Cluj Napoca, PISO, I Gli Illiri ad Alburnus Maior. In: URSO, G. (ed.), Dall Adriatico al Danubio. L Illirico nell età greca e romana, Pisa, SALLER, R. P. SHAW, B. D Tombstones and Roman family relations in the Principate: civilians, soldiers and slaves, JRS, 74, SCHEIDEL, W Roman age structure: evidence and models, JRS, 91, 1 26.

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213 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, LES GENTILICES ITALIQUES EN DACIE ROMAINE RALUCA DRAGOSTIN 1 Keywords: Italian names, Roman Dacia, onomastique romaine. Abstract: The author analysis not only the Italian names in Roman Dacia, but also the manner in which their bearers have come in this province. She has distinguished four categories of such gentilicia, taking into account the historical circumstances which allowed the penetration of Italic gentilicia in this province: gentilicia directly related to colonization in the time of founding of the province Dacia; gentilicia related to interprovincial immigration; gentilicia adopted by the population of Dacia by juridical reasons; gentilicia brought by soldiers and officials of Roman administration in Dacia. Like in case of imperial gentilicia, the onomastic study of Italic gentilicia does not allow an comparative approach (the proportion between the native population and the immigrants). Even that for a considerable number of Italic gentilicia bearers, we cannot state from where and how they came into Roman Dacia, the influence of a strong immigration can be noticed. Some gentilicia can be explained by client relations of important persons; however, we cannot notice the existence of native population. In the case of the majority of governors and imperial gentilicia, the bearers came certainly of other provinces. Résumé: L auteur analyse non seulement les noms italiques en Dacie romaine, mais aussi la manière par laquelle leurs porteurs sont arrivés dans cette province. En fonction des circonstances historiques qui ont favorisé la pénétration d un gentilice italien dans la province, on distingue quatre catégories : gentilices issus directement de la colonisation à l époque de la création de la province ; gentilices introduits par l immigration interprovinciale; gentilices adoptés par la population de la Dacie pour des raisons juridiques ; gentilices apportés par les soldats et les fonctionnaires employés dans la province. Comme dans le cas des gentilices impériaux, l étude onomastique des gentilices italiens ne permet pas d approcher le problème de la proportion de la 1 Université de Bucarest, raluca_dragostin@yahoo.com.

214 214 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN population indigène par rapport aux immigrants. Même si pour un lot considérable des porteurs des gentilices italiens on ne peut pas préciser d où ils étaient venus et comment ils sont arrivés en Dacie, il vaut sans doute mieux y voir l influence d une forte immigration. Même si quelques gentilices pourraient sʹexpliquer par de liens de clientèle avec les grands personnages qui auraient laissé des traces dans l onomastique locale, on ne peut pas conclure à l existence d une communauté indigène. Dans le cas de ceux qui auraient pris le gentilices d un gouverneur tout comme dans le cas de la majorité des porteurs d un gentilice impérial il s agit de la population venue de l extérieur. Rezumat: Autoarea analizează nu numai numele italice din Dacia romană, dar şi modul în care purtătorii lor au ajuns în această provincie. În funcție de circumstanțele istorice care au favorizat penetrarea gentiliciilor italice în provincie, ea distinge patru categorii de gentilicia: gentilicii legate direct de colonizare în perioada creării provinciei; gentilicii introduse prin intermediul imigrației interprovinciale; gentilicii adoptate de populația Daciei din motive juridice; gentilicii aduse prin intermediul soldaților şi funcționarilor oficiali din provincie. Precum în cazul gentiliciilor imperiale, studiul onomastic al gentiliciilor italice nu ne permite să abordăm problema proporției dintre populația indigenă în raport cu imigranții. Chiar dacă pentru un lot considerabil de purtători ai gentiliciilor italice nu se poate preciza de unde şi cum au ajuns aceştia în Dacia, putem totuşi observa influența unei imigrații puternice. Anumite gentilicii pot fi explicate prin legăturile de clientelă ale unor personaje importante care au lăsat, în mode vident, urme în onomastica locală; totuşi, nu putem observa existența unei populații indigene. În cazul celor care au adoptat gentiliciul unui guvernator, precum şi în cazul majorității purtătorilor gentiliciilor imperiale, putem vorbi despre o populație venită din exteriorul provinciei Dacia. Malgré leur nombre, les noms italiques n ont pas retenu autant l attention des chercheurs que les noms ethniques, de sorte qu on ne compte qu une seule grande étude dédiée à la colonisation italique, Italicii şi Veteranii de N. Branga 2. Essayant d effectuer un recensement exhaustif, N. Branga n opère pas de distinction claire entre les noms des 2 BRANGA 1986.

215 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine 215 soldats et ceux des civils, méthode qui fausse assez sensiblement les résultats. On ne peut pas reprocher quand même à l étude de Branga de s appuyer sur une documentation hétérogène à une époque où sont à la mode les répertoires d inspiration maximaliste. Il faut juste remarquer que le port des beaux gentilices rares, à sonorité étrusque par les officiers supérieurs de l armée, ne présente aucune signification sociale pour la Dacie. Il faut également souligner que la méthode qui consiste à rechercher l origine géographique des individus en s appuyant sur l étymologie du gentilice, en l absence de tout autre donnée, aboutit à des conclusions inexactes, comme celle qui découvre une extraction nord ou centrale italienne à un trop grand nombre de personnages 3. Or on sait que la conquête romaine avait introduit les gentilices italiques partout et que les familles s étaient déplacées au cours du temps, de manière que les situations où l on peut avancer une hypothèse sur l origine des porteurs sont rares. Si l on manque d études d ensemble sur les gentilices italiques, en revanche quelques grandes familles aristocratiques ont bénéficié d analyses prosopographiques 4 qui ont réussi à dénouer les fils embrouillés des parentages, des concordances chronologiques, de la création des clientèles, bien que les informations soient trop incomplètes pour pouvoir établir des stemmata exhaustifs et y ranger tous les membres attestés épigraphiquement d une gens. On peut aussi mentionner ici les études qui portent sur la dénomination des habitants de Sarmizegetusa et d Apulum 5 et qui s attardent longuement sur les gentilices italiens. En fonction des circonstances historiques qui ont favorisé la pénétration d un gentilice italien dans la province, on distingue quatre catégories : gentilices issus directement de la colonisation à l époque de la création de la province ; 3 BRANGA 1986, ARDEVAN 2005, ; ARDEVAN 1993, ; BENEA 2003, ; TRYNKOWSKI 1965, ; RIMNICEANU 2000, PISO 1993, ; PAKI 1988, ; PAKI 1990,

216 216 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN gentilices introduits par l immigration interprovinciale; gentilices adoptés par la population de la Dacie pour des raisons juridiques ; gentilices apportés par les soldats et les fonctionnaires employés dans la province. Faute de témoignages explicites il est difficile d encadrer chaque gentilice dans une rubrique. La tendance générale de l historiographie a été d insister sur la prééminence des descendants des colons au détriment des immigrants, mais le plus probablement les gentilices italiques ont été distribués de manière équilibrée entre les deux catégories. D un part très peu de personnages fournissent des détails supplémentaires qui les rattachent aux débuts de la province (comme le service dans l une des unités qui ont participé aux guerres daciques), de l autre part un pourcentage significatif d inscriptions sont datables au IIIe siècle, ce qui ne permet pas de conclure que ceux qui y sont mentionnés, sont les descendants des familles installées en Dacie à l époque de Trajan. Tout comme dans le cas des possesseurs des gentilices impériales on a envisagé la possibilité de trouver des indigènes parmi les porteurs de gentilices considérés comme italiques. En particulier A. Paki avait tendance à découvrir une origine indigène aux gentilices rares ou qui semblaient être dérivés localement 6. Une hypothèse qui a peu de chances d être prouvée a été formulée par M.T. Raepsaet Charlier à l égard du gentilice Tapetius. L historien belge croit que le nomen, qui (sous cette forme) est confiné à la Dacie et dont l origine italique postulée par Schulze ne lui semble pas tout à fait évidente, serait greffé sur un anthroponyme indigène 7. Mais la documentation incomplète ne permet pas l identification de l empreinte indigène sous des gentilices italiens ou d apparence italienne. A l heure actuelle on ne peut citer aucun gentilice qui ait été choisi pour sa résonance avec un nom dace, ou qui soit formé à 6 Elle prend en considération des hapax comme Frisenius ou des gentilices formé sur des cognomina latins comme Flaccinius, PAKI 1995, RAEPSAET CHARLIER 2003, 506.

217 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine 217 partir d une racine indigène 8. Dans le cas des Tapetii tous ce qu on peut supposer avec prudence c est lʹexistence dʹune famille de magistrats, ayant transmis un gentilice rare à leurs affranchis, ce qui rend encore plus invraisemblable une origine locale de ces personnages, car on ne connaît pas des Daces parmi les élites municipales. Dans le domaine de l étude des gentilices ce fut H. G. Pflaum qui, par ses enquêtes, mit au point une méthode devenue aujourd hui canonique. Elle consiste, dans ses lignes générales, à distinguer trois groupes de gentilices : les gentilices impériaux, les gentilices portés par les gouverneurs ou par des officiers supérieurs détachés dans la province, et enfin, les gentilices attestés en Italie, notamment ceux qui ont appartenu à des personnages ayant mené des carrières consulaires et à leur clients. Ces principes ne peuvent que partiellement être appliqués aux études onomastiques portant sur la population de la Dacie, puisque sous le Principat les gouverneurs ont laissé moins des traces dans l onomastique des provinces que les proconsuls de la période républicaine. J ai préféré donc classifier les gentilices italiens plutôt selon la fréquence, en gentilices rares, gentilices moyennement attestés et gentilices qui ont connu une large diffusion dans les provinces. A la fin je me suis attardée sur les gentilices qui pourraient remonter à un gouverneur de la Dacie. Gentilices italiens rares : Anclarenius, Frisenius, Seximius, Nennius, Caventius et Mateus sont des hapax dans l empire. Anclarenius 9 est considéré par Schulze comme dérivant d Ancharius par interposition d un suffixe la 10. Le nom qui se trouve sur inscription aujourd hui disparue pourrait être une forme corrompue ou une lecture erronée du gentilice Ancharenius (qui semble préférable à un unicum). Frisenius 11 est tiré de Frisius, mieux documenté 12 et qui évoque la patrie originaire de la 8 Pour les racines indigènes voir DANA, 2003, ; DANA, MATEI POPESCU, 2009, IDR III/2, SCHULZE, 1904, 395, n IDR III/2, PAKI 1988, 358.

218 218 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN gens, Frisia. 13 Pour Seximius 14 on n est pas arrivé à trouver ni analogie, ni étymologie, il semble être une construction artificielle sur un nom latin 15. Nennius 16 n est attesté nulle part sous cette forme, mais il est vraisemblablement une variante de Naenius ou Nenius 17. Le gentilice Caventius 18 est un hapax apparemment formé sur Cavius 19 ou Caven 20. Mateus 21, inconnu par ailleurs, est le gentilice d un vétéran mentionné sur une inscription de Micia. Les éditeurs considèrent qu il s agit d un ressortissant italien, dont le gentilice serait une variante de Matius ou Mattius. Ce nom, attesté deux fois à Florence 22 est fréquent en Afrique 23 et l on a pensé qu il était en fait formé sur un nom punique ou libyque 24. Serait il à relier à la présence africaine à Micia? Plusieurs autres gentilices rares méritent commentaire. Ophonius 25 et Carteius 26 ne sont connus que par des sources littéraires. Ophonius n est pas attesté sous cette forme dans les inscriptions, mais on le trouve chez le un préfet du prétoire mentionné par Tacite (Ann ) au temps de Néron, Ophonius Tigellinus 27. L. Ophonius Pap. Domitius Priscus duumvir qui paya les nymphées de Sarmizegetusa avait ajouté le premier gentilice, Ophonius, considéré probablement comme très prestigieux, au précédent. On sait que ce sont en général les personnages issus des gentes distinguées qui conservent un deuxième gentilice illustre. D autres membres de la même famille sont mentionnés sur des tegulae 13 De Vit II, 1887, IDR III/2, PAKI CIL 3, De Vit IV, 1887, IDR III/ 5, CIL XIV CIL VI 1057 ; Cf. PISO dans le commentaire à l IDR III/ 5, IDR III/3, CIL XI 1630, 1633, cités par LASSERE 1977, LASSERE 1977, TOUTAIN 1896, IDR III/2, IDR III/5, L épigraphie a enregistré la variante Offonius (CIL III, 2450) et Ofonius (CIL X, 4261).

219 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine 219 découvertes à Sarmizegetusa 28. Le gentilice Carteius est attesté deux fois en Dacie chez la femme d un bénéficiaire de Potaissa 29 et chez un soldat à Sarmizegetusa 30. Le nom est inconnu par ailleurs mais il est mentionné dans la correspondance de Cicéron (Cic. ad Fam. XII, 11, 2). Toujours parmi les gentilices peu fréquents on relève en Dacie quelques uns tirés d astynymes. Sentinas 31 est un gentilice dérivé du nom de la ville de Sentinum, l un des rares gentilices en Dacie à être dérivé avec un autre suffixe que inius. Un nom qui apparait sous la forme CAESERNIUS sur une inscription d Apulum 32 a été restitué en Caesernius, mieux attesté, per E. Doruțiu Boilă 33 et C. Aesernius par I. Piso, d après une analogie avec le gentilice Aeserninus. Aesernius est dérivé du nom de la ville samnite Aesernia 34 et dans son cas, comme dans celui de Sentinas, il est possible que lʹonomastique révèle la patrie. Le gentilice Venusius 35, exceptionnel partout, pourrait se rattacher à la ville de Venusia. 36 Autrement il est considéré comme celte par Holder 37 et étrusque par Schulze 38. Patulcius 39 est un nom rarissime connu par une inscription de la Dacie Inferieure et rangé par R. Ardevan parmi les noms inhabituels qui pourrait trahir une situation de droit latin 40. L inscription ne présente pas cependant d autres symptômes de droit latin : Patulcius n est pas un gentilice fabriqué, mais un nom étrusque diffusé en Campanie, principalement dans la région de Puzzole 41, attesté aussi en Afrique 42 et 28 PISO 1996, 179, nr.42, IDR III/5, ILD IDR III/5, IDR III/5, TEPOSU MARINESCU 1982, 137, n Cf. De Vit pour Aeserninus, I, 1887, ILD HALKIN, 1935, HOLDER 1907, III, col SCHULZE 1904, IDR II, ARDEVAN 2007, AE 2000, CIL VIII, 1380

220 220 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN mentionné par Cicéron (Att. 14, 18,2). Mestrinius 43 dont la seule autre occurrence se trouve à Rome 44 est un dérivé rare de Mestrius. J ai recensé au total 20 gentilices rares parmi lesquels j ai inclus les unica déjà discutés et les gentilices documentés en général par moins de 10 occurrences à l époque impériale (Baebatius, Tuticius, Tapetius, etc.). Gentilices moyennement représentés : Il s agit d abord des gentilices ayant appartenu aux familles qui ont donné à Rome des magistrats dans la période républicaine, comme Aemilius, Marius, Domitius, Cornelius, Caecilius, Fabius, Pompeius etc. Ces noms s étaient peu à peu diffusés parmi les novi cives, anciens esclaves affranchis, soldats, pérégrins naturalisés, clients et ils étaient devenus si communs qu ils ne se prêtent à aucune observation spéciale. Par rapport aux gentilices impériaux, les gentilices italiques sont indatables et on ne peut avancer aucune hypothèse sur l origine de leurs porteurs. C est pourquoi il est très improbable que Caecilius Felix 45 vienne de l Afrique, comme semble le croire A. Paki en se fondant sur la présence de cette association de noms en Afrique 46. D abord, le nom Felix nʹest pas du tout éloquent car il est abondamment attesté par lʹépigraphie dans tout l Empire. Ensuite le gentilice Caecilius n était pas concentré uniquement en Afrique ou en Espagne où les Caecilii Metelli avaient exercés plusieurs commandements 47, mais il était très bine attesté en Italie et diffusé en divers proportions dans plusieurs provinces 48. Il y avait aussi en Dacie quelques gentilices illustrés par les familles en vue de Sarmizegetusa. Par exemple, les inscriptions relatives à la gens Domitia, peu nombreuses sont concentrées surtout à Sarmizegetusa. Le gentilice Domitius est attesté 23 fois en Dacie et occupe la troisième position parmi les gentilices italiens du point de vue quantitatif. Le gentilice dérivé, Domitianus est attesté une seul fois. Il faut signaler le cas 43 CIL III, CIL VI IDR III/1, PAKI 1988, 366, n DES BOSCS PLATEAUX, 2005, OPEL II, 16

221 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine 221 de polyonymie chez L(ucius) Ophonius Pap(iria) Domitius Priscus, mentionné plus haut. La position de la tribu dans la formule onomastique indique que le seconde gentilice était employé à valeur cognominale. Le praenomen traditionnel de la famille est Lucius qui renvoie aux Domitii Ahenobarbi. D autres praenomina associés au gentilice Domitius sont Caius (4 occ.) et Marcus (1occ.). Pour d autres familles bien documentées on a cherché des détails supplémentaires qui nous renseignent sur leur provenance. Dans le cas des Turannii on a avancé une origine gauloise ou dalmate 49. D. Benea considère qu on a affaire à des Trévires impliqués dans le commerce du vin 50, supposition rejetée par L. Mihăilescu Bîrliba 51 en vertu de l attestation du gentilice en dehors de Trèves. Même si l on possède des indices d activité économique chez cette famille 52, il est impossible dʹétablir une liaison avec un centre dʹentrepreneurs extra provinciaux. Ni l hypothèse d une origine dalmate ne peut être démontrée bien que le gentilice soit couramment attesté en Dalmatie 53. En fait on ignore le moyen par lequel le nom a été introduit dans la province et la situation est d autant plus compliquée que la famille semble divisée en deux branches, l une aristocratique à Sarmizegetusa et une autre, laissée en dehors des honneurs, à Tibiscum. Les cognomina grecs des Turranii de Tibiscum ont été interprétés comme relevant une origine orientale 54, éventuellement micrasiatique 55 sinon une certaine fusion ethnique avec des éléments orientaux, à une époque précoce 56. La coïncidence chronologique et la rareté du gentilice dans la province concordent vers l hypothèse d une parenté proche entre les Turannii de Sarmizegetusa et 49 PAKI 1990, , 50, avec point d interrogation 50 BENEA 2003, MIHAILESCU BÎRLIBA 2009, Une éventuelle activité dʹun atelier local a été mentionnée à propos d une estampille portant le nom de M. Turannius Antoninus?, IDR III/2, 556, sub numero 53 OPEL IV, p PISO 1983, PISO 1983, 110; DANA 2004, ARDEVAN 2005, 202.

222 222 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN ceux de Tibiscum, bien que leurs liens ne soient pas clairement affirmés 57. Une telle situation où l origine et la parenté s estompent, n a rien d étrange dans une société ou descendants des soldats vivent mêlés à des descendants d affranchis et à des immigrants orientaux. Dans le cas de M. Procilius Niceta 58 l association gentilice italien + cognomen grec a suscité des doutes quant à une possible origine italienne de ce personnage. 59 Mais le statut de Niceta qui était titulaire du sacerdoce de Lavinium et de Laurentium implique une résidence du moins temporaire en Italie et l analyse prosopographique semble confirmer une origine italique effective. 60 Il y a aussi des possesseurs de gentilices italiens dont l origine devrait être placée en Orient. C est peut être le cas de C. Spedius Hermias 61 qui consacre un autel à Aesculapius Pergamenus 62. Le cognomen grec et le fait d invoquer le dieu par une épithète toponymique s expliquent par une origine orientale du dédicant. Une inscription gravée sur un autel consacré à Sol Ierhabol mentionne un Aurelius Laecanius Paulinus 63 ancien armurier et décurion à Sarmizegetusa. Le gentilice Aurelius a simplement été ajouté au précédent, à l époque du règne de Caracalla et Geta 64. Le nom de la divinité, la succession des gentilices et le cognomen permettent de voir en Paulinus un soldat d origine orientale 65, plus précisément un descendant des colons romains installés en Syrie. D autres cas semblables sont connus en Dacie. P. Aelius Septimius Audeo 66 porte lui aussi un deuxième gentilice en l honneur de l empereur Septime Sévère. Aurelius Claudius Nepotianus 67 qui apparaît sur une dédicace à Dea Syria pour la 57 ARDEVAN 2005, IDR III/2, 3 59 PISO 2005, ARDEVAN 1998, IDR III/2, PISO 2005, 323, ARDEVAN avec des réserves 1998, IDR III/1, PISO 2004, POPESCU 2004, IDR III/2, ILD 542

223 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine 223 sauvegarde de l empereur Caracalla, avait ajouté le gentilice de celui ci à ses noms légaux. Un autel dédié au Dieu Dolichenus en l honneur d Alexandre Sévère et de Julia Mammaea nous apporte le nom d Aurelius Primus Astius dit Iulius 68, décurion de Porolissum. L onomastique de ce personnage rappelle le double gentilice Iulius Aurelius qui se répand à Palmyre après Toujours à Palmyre on rencontre des Iulii Aurelii Septimii 70. Ce n est donc pas surprenant de trouver l un de ces trois gentilices inséré dans la nomenclature des Syriens de Dacie. Dans tous ces cas on a affaire à un marque de loyalisme envers la dynastie syrienne des Sévères, exprimé dans la dénomination des ressortissants de Syrie 71. Le gentilice Iunius est toujours assorti d un cognomen grec, mais on ne peut pas savoir s il s agit des immigrants de zones de langue grecque, ou bien des descendants des affranchis. Deux inscriptions conservent dans la transcription grecque des gentilices italiens. On connaît ainsi un Κάσσιος Αλ(?) 72 adorateur de Sérapis à Sarmizegetusa et un bénéficiaire à Apulum Μάρ(κος) Μέμμιος Λόνγος 73. Ces quelques exemples montrent que les gentilices peuvent rarement servir à fixer lʹorigine. Des familles italiennes immigrées en Orient s étaient fondues peu à peu dans la masse de la population grecque; les situations où un gentilice italien est associé à un cognomen grec ou oriental (grec, sémite, micrasiatique) dans une inscription dédiée à une divinité orientale transcrivent en réalité des échanges linguistiques et religieux qui ont fait que les noms perdent graduellement leur valeur d indicateurs d origine. Il y a aussi des gentilices trop banaux pour susciter des commentaires, comme Ianuarius, gentilice à couleur provinciale qui est 68 IGB III/ 2, SCHLUMBERGER 1942, SCHLUMBERGER 1942, Les soldats de la cohorte XX Palmyrenorum ont ajouté le gentilice Aurelius à leur gentilice précédent après 212, GILLIAM 1965, 86 90; sur l ajout du nom Aurelius comme seconde gentilice chez un militaire de la zone rhénane v. BERARD 2000, 297; en Dacie on trouve un M. Aurelius Comatius Super avec gentilice celtique et les noms M. Aurelius ajoutés sous Caracalla, cf. le commentaire de PISO à l IDR III/5, CIGD CIGD 13

224 224 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN aussi très souvent employé comme cognomen, idyonime pérégrin ou nom d esclave. De cette analyse j ai éliminé le nom L. Annius Octavius Valerianus 74 connu par une tuile de Romula, qui est un faux épigraphique. Le problème des inscriptiones falsae contenus dans les manuscrits a été discuté dès la publication du CIL 75 ; moins souvent ont été dénoncés les faux gravés sur des fragments céramiques ou des tuiles. Récemment D. Dana a exclu du lot des noms daces attestés dans la province deux anthroponymes suspectés d avoir été gravés à l époque moderne 76. En ce qui concerne la tuile de Romula, elle porte un nom et un texte presqu identique avec celui qui se trouve sur un sarcophage à Rome. D. Tudor 77 a été le partisan de l authenticité de cette pièce qui a suscité des doutes dès sa découverte 78. Il croyait qu il s agit d une tuile fermant la niche funéraire d un personnage de Rome mort en Dacie. S il est vrai que le phénomène des doublets épigraphiques n est pas inconnu en Dacie 79, dans ce cas, il est plus vraisemblable qu on a affaire à une transcription, par les antiquaires, d un texte conservé sur un monument de Rome. Les études portant sur la chronologie du sarcophage de Rome ont établi qu il avait été réalisé entre le dernier quart du IIIème siècle et le début du IVème 80, ce qui laisse des chances infimes à la possibilité que la tuile de Romula soit authentique. En ce qui concerne le gentilice Publicius, je l ai inclus parmi les gentilices italiens, mais il est un gentilice fabriqué et représentatif des esclaves employés dans le domaine publique. On sait que les servi publici dérivaient de l adjectif publicus leur gentilice après lʹaffranchissement. Sur un autel dédié à Sarmizegetusa Genio libertorum et servorum on lit les noms de P(ublius) Publicius Anthus et Publ(icius) Cletus 81. Un Publicius 74 ILD CIL III, 6 12, no et ; v. aussi, RUSSU 1966, DANA 2010, TUDOR 1980, DEBERGH 1981, RUSSU 1973, ; STEFANESCU 2004, SPERA 2003, 314, n.111; FELLETTI MAJ 1976, IDR III/2, 218.

225 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine 225 Ianuarius connu par une inscription d Apulum est marié à une affranchie, Cassia Ponticilla 82. Sur la même inscription est mentionné un Publicius Severus vraisemblablement un co affranchi de Ianuarius. A Sarmizegetusa une liste mentionnant les membres d un collège religieux ou professionnel nous fait connaître une Publicia Eu 83. Le cognomen grec de la femme plaide en faveur d une origine servile. Gentilices ayant connu une large diffusion dans les provinces : Aux nombre des gentilices italiens attestés en Dacie il y en a deux qui se détachent du lot : Antonius et Valerius. Le relevé des occurrences de ces noms montre leur fréquence, qui dépasse celle de certains gentilices impériaux. A eux seuls les Valerii comptent plus d exemples que les Flavii et les Claudii pris ensemble. Devant des gentilices tels Valerius ou Antonius, personne ne pourraient affirmer que les porteurs descendaient des familles de colons italiens puisque le premier a été affecté, à cause de son étymologie (valere) surtout aux militaires 84 et le second semble avoir connu une diffusion significative dans les provinces danubiennes. Le nom est très fréquent en particulier chez les orientaux ; il remonte à la domination de Marc Antoine en Orient 85. En Pannonie beaucoup des Antonii sont des émigrés orientaux arrivés après les guerres marcomannes 86. Le gentilice est également très rependu en Mésie 87. En Dacie le grand groupe des Antonii comportait des Italiques mais aussi des gens venus d Orient au tournant des IIe et IIIe siècles. Tant Valerius qu Antonius montrent une romanisation récente, ils relèvent des choix onomastiques régionaux et représentent des indices qu on a affaire à des personnages d origine provinciale. Pour ces raisons et pour ne pas mettre sur pied d égalité des gentilices italiotes et d autres qui, même s ils existent en Italie, laissent présupposer une implantation régionale de la 82 IDR III/5, IDR III/2, LE ROUX 1982, SARTRE 1996, SELEM 1980, BRANGA 1999, fig. 18 ; OPEL I, 131.

226 226 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN famille, j ai consacré des sections séparées aux Valerii et aux Antonii dans l analyse concernant les nomina italiennes. Valerii : 107 personnages portent le gentilice Valerius, dont 23 femmes et 84 hommes. Parmi ceux derniers 45% portent des tria nomina, les duo nomina étant majoritaires. Le prénom les plus souvent usité est Caius (21 exemples), suivi à distance par Lucius(7), Marcus (5), Titus (3), Publius (1), Quintus (1), Sextus (1). Les personnages à indiquer leur origine sont C. Valerius C. f. domo Claudia Viruni Silvanus 88 et T. Valerius Iulianus Dertona 89. Ce dernier personnage représente l un des rares exemples où une ville italienne est donnée comme domo d un civil. Les raisons de sa présence à Apulum demeurent obscures. On sait que des vexillations des légions daciques participent au siège d Aquilée mené par Maximin le Thrace. 90 Ces opérations ont laissé un nombre assez grand d épitaphes militaires à Aquilée, Emona, Dertona mentionnant des soldats recrutés en Dacie. Etait Iulianus arrivé avec les troupes qui rentraient de l Italie? La partie inférieure de l inscription est irrémédiablement perdue, faute de critères de datations et de précisions supplémentaires il est difficile d établir quelconque lien entre ce personnage originaire de Dertona et les événements de l année 238. Chez d autres Valerii lʹorigine ethnique peut être établie d après les cognomina : T. Valerius Plares 91 est Illyrien, M. Valerius Dumn 92 et éventuellement Valerius V[i]v[i]b[ius] 93 sont Celtes. Une dénomination plus élaborée, comportant tribu et filiation apparait chez des personnages menant des carrières municipales comme P. Valerius Papiria?[ ]ens 94 décurion d une ville inconnue, de Sex. Valerius sex. fil. Papiria Fronto 95, duumvir, flamen et patron du collège des fabres à Sarmizegetusa, et enfin 88 IDR III/5, IDR III/5, BENEA 2000, IDR III/5, IDR III/2, IDR II, CIL 3, IDR III/2, 455

227 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine 227 du chevalier C. Valerius C. fil. Papiria Valerianus 96, duumvir a Sarmizegetusa et décurion à Apulum. Le gentilice Antonius est porté par 54 personnages, dont 36 hommes et 18 femmes. Les prénoms associés à cette gens sont Marcus (10), Lucius (9), Caius (7), Publius (3) et Titus (3). Les prénoms les plus couramment associés à la gens, Marcus, Lucius et Gaius remontent au triumvir Marc Antoine et à sa famille. L un de ses frères, Lucius Antonius gouverna l Asie comme proquestor en 49 a. Chr. 97 et un autre, Caius Antonius assura le gouvernement de la Macédoine. L. Robert rappela que «surtout dans le cours de l époque impériale, dans les familles d Antonii on a varié les prénoms de Marcus et Lucius 98». Mais à Sarmizegetusa on a affaire à trois famille d Antonii au sein desquelles le prénom est toujours invariable 99. En Dacie les Antonii sont attestés souvent sur des autels consacrés à des divinités orientales : au tout début de la province un vétéran de la légion I Adiutrix, L. Antonius Apollinaris 100 dédie une inscription à Dominus Aeternus pour la sauvegarde de Trajan, un siècle plus tard un vétéran et duumvir de Porolissum, M. Antonius Maximus 101 élève une inscription en l honneur de IOM Dolichenus pour le salut de l empereur Gordien. Un certain M. Antonius Onesas 102 adore à Apulum le dieu serpent Glyco, originaire de Paphlagonie. A Aquae C. Antonius Iulianus 103 invoque Sol Invictus Mythra. Le gentilice est également fort prisé par les pérégrins orientaux. Un Demetrius Antoni 104 fit graver l autel du dieu micrasiatique Saromandus. Une épitaphe en vers nous fait connaitre Antonia quam generavit Pergamos 105. Sur une plaque funéraire de Romula est mentionné un 96 IDR III/2, ROBERT 1969, ROBERT 1969, PISO 2005, IDR III/5, ILD IDR III/5, IDR II, IDR III/4, IDR III/2, 382

228 228 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN Antonius Nicanoris 106. Un Antonius érige l épitaphe de son père, Alexandrianus, civis Bythinus 107. Gentilices des gouverneurs en poste dans la province : J ai réuni les gentilices qui pourraient correspondre au nom d un gouverneur connu dans le tableau suivant. No. Gentilice Gouverneurs Dates Attestations et légats de 108 légions Aemilius L. Aemilius L. fil.?173?175 Camilia Carus 2 Baebius Q. Baebius Macer 111?/ Cornelius Sex. Cornelius Sex. 170?172 f. Palatina Clemens 4 Helvius P. Helvius Pertinax 6 Marius L. Marius L.f.Quir. Perpetuus 212/213?215 4 Papirius Cn. Papirius (?) P. f. Gal. Aelianus Aemilius Tuscillus Petronius P. Petronius Pollianus IDR II, IDR III/3, N ont été retenus que les cas où l homonymie concerne le nom et le prénom et les cas ou l on ne connait aucun prénom chez les citoyens. 109 Les noms des gouverneurs et les dates consulaires ont été prélevés dans les Fastes dressées par PISO 1993a.

229 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine Pomponius L. Pomponius Liberalis 4 Terentius D. Terentius Scaurianus ; 202/203?205?/ /?; J ai éliminé les gentilices très communs comme Iulius, Valerius, Domitius, où la relation entre les nomina des légats et ceux de la population provinciale n est pas transparente. Pour le reste, le lien entre les noms des gouverneurs ou d autres officiers et la dénomination des nouveaux citoyens ne peut être que soupçonné avec plus ou moins de certitude, mais on ne possède aucun exemple qui se situe au delà de tout doute. Le gentilice Cornelius a une fréquence moyenne parmi les gentilices italiens, mais un seul personnage, Sex. Cornelius Ta[ ] 110 serait à mettre en liaison avec le légat Sex. Cornelius Sex. f. Palatina Clemens. Dans le cas de Terentius, se trouvant en position de gentilice on pourrait supposer que le nom remonte aux origines de la province et au gouvernement de D. Terentius Scaurianus, mais on ne dispose pas d autres éléments (comme par exemple un prénom commun) qui renforce cette hypothèse. Plus de certitudes on a dans le cas des 4 Helvii, dont 2 sont Publii Helvii. Vraisemblablement ils ont reçu le prénom et le gentilice de P. Helvius Pertinax 111. Dans des cas exceptionnels, des indices non négligeables désignent une personnalité militaire comme ayant servi d intermédiaire dans l obtention de la citoyenneté. Lusia Prisca 112 connue par une inscription de Micia porte un gentilice attesté une seule fois en Dacie. Les éditeurs ont supposé qu on a affaire à une immigrée d Italie, mais l apparition d un gentilice si rare à Micia ne peut pas être mise uniquement sur le compte du hasard des trouvailles. Lusius renvoi à Lusius Quietus, le commandant de la cavalerie maure dans les guerres daciques, or on sait que Micia était la garnison d un numerus 110 AE 1969/70, 0560 a 111 IDR III/3, 354, commentaire de l éditeur 112 IDR III/3, 180

230 230 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN Maurorum 113. On pourrait soupçonner par conséquent que Lusia Prisca tirait son gentilice d un ancêtre qui s était trouvé dans la servitude du chevalier maure ou d un soldat ayant pris le nom de son commandant. L épitaphe de la femme a été élevée par son mari, M. Ulpius Romulus, dont le gentilice relève une ascension à la citoyenneté au temps de Trajan. L association de ces gentilices, Lusius et Ulpius indiquerait un couple qui a vécu dans la première partie du IIème siècle. En ce qui concerne la population flottante, j ai recensé 146 militaires portant un gentilice italien. Les nomina rares, aristocratiques témoignant de la romanité plus ancienne, appartiennent à des centurions et des tribuns 114 alors que les simples milites et les gradés inférieurs grossissent les rangs des Antonii et Valerii. Je leur ai ajouté quatre femmes, porteuses des nomina rares, mariées à des centurions ou à des affranchis impériaux, que j ai considéré comme des étrangères puisqu elles ont séjourné pour une période déterminée en Dacie où elles avaient accompagné leurs maris. Par exemple Vitia Threpte 115 mariée à un affranchi impérial, Ianuarius, venait le plus probablement de Rome. 116 J ai compté pour toute la Dacie 120 gentilices italiens différents chez les résidents. Les différentes graphies dʹun même gentilice (Annius/Anius, Attius/Atius, Aruntius/Arruntius, Cassius/Casius, Volussius/Volusius, Licinius/ Licinnius) n ont pas été compté comme deux gentilices différentes, mais comme un seul 117. D ailleurs il y a une situation où cette orthographe variable, à consonne simple ou redoublée, est attestée chez un même personnage. Ainsi, sur deux autels votifs d Alburnus Maior, le nom du dédicant apparaît tantôt comme Nassidius 118 tantôt comme Nasidius 119. Le nombre total des porteurs (civils) d un gentilice italien (Valerius et Antonius compris) s élève à 529 personnages, ce qui donne une moyenne de 4,4 personnes par gentilice. 49 gentilices 113 PETOLESCU 2002, BARBULESCU 1993, IDR III/2, PAKI 1995, 59, n D après la méthode de SABLAYROLLES, 1996, 185, n ILD ILD 361

231 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine 231 sont attestés par un seul exemple. L importance numérique de la colonisation italienne demeure néanmoins difficile à mesurer car le cosmopolitisme est la caractéristique principale des grandes villes comme Sarmizegetusa et Apulum. Cependant, comme on l a affirmé maintes fois c est dans la capitale, qui fut dès le début une colonie romaine qu on trouve cette fraction là de la population la plus anciennement et la plus profondément romanisée, ce qui s accorde avec la distribution des gentilices hapax ou rarissimes. Une partie des porteurs des gentilices italiques à Sarmizegetusa sont les descendants des vétérans des guerres Daces, recrutés en Italie. 120 L élément oriental reste sans doute minoritaire mais pour en estimer le poids réel il ne faut pas se limiter à l analyse onomastique car l usage d un gentilice italien est loin d être exclusivement réservé à des ressortissants italiens. Pour ce qui est de la diffusion des gentilices italiens dans la province ils sont rassemblés à Apulum (34%) et Sarmizegetusa (29%). Dans les rares cas où ils sont attestés dans les autres villes ce sont en général les Antonii et les Valerii qui gonflent les statistiques : Drobeta (4%), Ampelum (3%), Potaissa (2%), Tibiscum et Romula (1%), Sucidava (0.2%), lieu de découverte inconnu (0.4%). Dans les campagnes les gentilices italiens sont documentés en proportion de 24%. A cause de la configuration du territoire il est difficile de faire une enquête cité par cité comme on l a fait pour les Gaules ou l Afrique. Plusieurs pagi ainsi que les municipes Aurelium Apulense 121 et Tibiscum 122 sont issus du territoire amputé de Sarmizegetusa, qui au IIème siècle s étendait de Dierna à Tibiscum et de Tibiscum aux Portes de Fer de la Transylvanie 123. Les relations entre ces cites étaient dictées par la géographie. Pour la plupart des porteurs d un gentilice italien il nʹest pas possible, à la date où ils sont attestés, de déterminer s ils sont les descendants du groupe des colons arrivés en Dacie à l époque de Trajan. On dispose de quelques indices pour conclure que l immigration 120 PISO 2008, PISO 1995, PISO 1995, PISO 1995, 82.

232 232 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN occidentale continue et après les guerres marcomanes 124. Sur une inscription de Tibiscum, datée du début du IIIème siècle, à coté du nom de M. Aurelius Secundus 125 on trouve la formule eques Romanus equo publico, employée seulement en Cisalpine et retrouvée uniquement chez les ressortissants de cette région. 126 Vers la fin du II siècle arrive en Dacie depuis l Italie, M. Procilius Niceta le fondateur de la famille des Procilii daces 127. Toujours d une province occidentale, la Dalmatie, était issu T. Aurelius Aper 128 chef dʹune communauté illyrienne, immigré en Dacie à la fin du IIème siècle, en tant que colon. 129 Comme dans le cas des gentilices impériaux, l étude onomastique des gentilices italiens ne permet pas d approcher le problème de la proportion de la population indigène par rapport aux immigrants. Même si pour un lot considérable des porteurs des gentilices italiens on ne peut pas préciser d où ils étaient venus et comment ils sont arrivés en Dacie, il vaut sans doute mieux y voir l influence d une forte immigration. Même si quelques gentilices pourraient sʹexpliquer par de liens de clientèle avec les grands personnages qui auraient laissé des traces dans l onomastique locale, on ne peut pas conclure à l existence d une communauté indigène. Dans le cas de ceux qui auraient pris le gentilices d un gouverneur tout comme dans le cas de la majorité des porteurs d un gentilice impérial il s agit de la population venue de l extérieur. BIBLIOGRAPHIE ARDEVAN, R Die Cominii von Sarmizegetusa ein prosopographisches und chronologisches Problem, dans L. Mrozewicz, K. Ilski (Hrsg.), Prosopographica, Poznan, ARDEVAN 1997, IDR III/1, ARDEVAN 1997, ARDEVAN 1998, IDR III/3, POPESCU 1967, , cite par ARDEVAN 1997, p.129

233 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine 233 ARDEVAN, R Eques Romanus equo publico». Asupra unei inscripții din Tibiscum, dans Civilizația romană în Dacia, Cluj Napoca, ARDEVAN, R Viața municipală în Dacia romană, Timişoara. ARDEVAN, R Die Turranii von Sarmizegetusa, în Fr. Beutler, W. Hameter (Hrsg.), Eine ganz normale Inschriftʺ... und ähnliches zum Geburtstag von Ekkehard Weber. Festschrift zum 30. April 2005 (Althistorischepigraphische Studien, Band 5), Wien, ARDEVAN, R Citoyens latins en Dacie romaine, dans M. Mayer, G. Baratta, A. Guzman Almagro (ed.), Acta XII Congressus internationalis epigraphiae Graecae et Latinae. Provinciae Imperii Romani inscriptionibus descriptae. Barcelona, 3 8 Septembris 2002, Barcelona, BENEA, D Le legione XIII Gemina e Massimo il Trace ad Aquileia, Quaderni Friulani di Archeologia Udine 10.1, BENEA, D Istoria aşezărilor de tip vici militares din Dacia Romană, Timişoara. BERARD, F La garnison de Lyon et l officium du gouverneur de Lyonnaise, dans Heer, Kaiser und Gesellschaft in der Römischen Kaiserzeit. Gedenkschrift für Eric Birley, éd. par G. Alföldy, B. Dobson et W. Eck, Stuttgart, (Heidelberger Althistorische Beiträge und Epigraphische Studien, 31), BĂRBULESCU, M La colonisation à Potaissa et ses effets sur le développement de la ville dans La politique édilitaire dans les provinces de l Empire Romain II IV siècle après J C, Actes du II Colloque Roumano Suisse, Berne , BRANGA, N Italicii şi veteranii din Dacia : Mărturii epigrafice şi arheologice, Timişoara. BRANGA, N Veteranii romani de la gurile Dunării, Sibiu. DANA, D., Les Daces dans les ostraca du désert Oriental de l Égypte. Morphologie des noms daces, ZPE 143, DANA, D Onomastique est balkanique en Dacie romaine (noms thraces et daces), dans Orbis antiquus. Studia in honorem Ioannis Pisonis, Cluj, DANA, D., MATEI POPESCU, F Soldats d origine dace dans les diplômes militaires, Chiron 39, 2009,

234 234 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN DANA, D Compte rendu à C. C. Petolescu, Inscriptii latine din Dacia (ILD), Bucuresti 2005, SCIVA, 1 2, DES BOSCS PLATEAUX, F., Un Parti Hispanique à Rome? Ascension des élites hispaniques et pouvoirs politiques dʹauguste à Hadrien, Madrid. DE VIT, V Totius latinitatis onomasticon. Felletti Maj, B.M Considerazioni sullʹarte del periodo fra Gallieno e latetrarchia, Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana LII, GILLIAM, J. F Dura Rosters and the Constitutio Antoniniana, Historia XIV, HALKIN,V.L Le père dʹhorace a t il été esclave public?, AC, 4, Holder, A Altceltische Sprachschatz, Leipzig LASSERE, J. M Ubique populus: peuplement et mouvements de population dans lʹafrique romaine de la chute de Carthage à la fin de la dynastie des Sévères [146 a.c. 235 p.c.) MIHĂILESCU BÎRLIBA, L Actores Daciae romanae, dans Classica & Christiana 4/1, 2009, PAKI, A Populația Ulpiei Traiana Sarmizegetusa (I), SCIVA, 39/4 (1988), PAKI, A Populația Ulpiei Traiana Sarmizegetusa (II), SCIVA 41, PAKI, A. ALICU D Town Planning and Population in Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, BAR IS 605, Oxford. PISO, I Epigraphica XIV, AMN 20, PISO, I Die soziale und ethnische Zusammensetzung der Bevölkerung in Sarmizegetusa und in Apulum, dans Prosopographie und Sozialgeschichte. Studien zur Methodik und Erkenntnismöglichkeit der kaiserlichen Prosopographie (Kolloquium Köln November 1991), Köln Wien Weimar, PISO, I Fasti provinciae Daciae I, Die senatorischen Amtsträger, Bonn PISO, I Le territoire de la Colonia Sarmizegetusa, Ephemeris Napocensis, 5, PISO, I Les estampilles tégulaires de Sarmizegetusa,Ephemeris Napocensis 6,

235 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine 235 PISO, I Le dieu Yarhibôl à Sarmizegetusa, dans Studia Historica et Archaeologica in honorem Magistrae Doina Benea, Timişoara, PISO, I An der Nordgrenze des Römischen Reiches: ausgewählte Studien, Stuttgart POPESCU, E. 1967, Aspecte ale colonizarii şi romanizării în Dacia şi Scythia, Studii Clasice, IX, POPESCU, M., La religion dans lʹarmée romaine de Dacie, Bucuresti. RAEPSAET CHARLIER, M.T., Compte rendu à I. Piso, Inscriptions d Apulum, Paris, De Boccard 2001, AC 72, Robert, L Laodicée du Lycos. Les Inscriptions, dans Gagniers, J. et al. Laodicée du Lycos, Québec, RUSSU, I.I Contributia lui Zamosius la epigrafia Daciei, AMN III, RUSSU, I. I Eine römische Grabinschrift in doppelter Ausführung. Dacia, N.S, NR! RÎMNICEANU, I La famille des Procilii à Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, SAA 7, ȚEPOSU MARINESCU, L Funerary Monuments in Dacia Superior and Dacia Porolissensis, BAR. International Series 128. TOUTAIN, J Les Cités romaines de la Tunisie, Paris. TUDOR, D Versuri stoice din Romula Malva, Drobeta, IV, TRYNKOWSKI, J Les Varenii de Sarmizegetusa et la colonisation italique dans la Dacie romaine, Przeglad Historyczny (= Revue Historique), Varsovie, LVI, n 3, SABLAYROLLES, Libertinus Miles: Les Cohortes de Vigiles, Rome. SCHLUMBERGER, D Les gentilices romains des Palmyréniens, Bulletin dʹétudes orientales, 9, , SCHULZE, W Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen, Berlin. SARTRE, M Les progrès de la citoyenneté romaine dans les provinces romaines de Syrie et dʹarabie sous le Haut.Empire, dans Rizakis, A. D., Roman onomastics in the greek east : social and political aspects, Athènes, (Meletemata, 21), SELEM, P Les religions orientales dans la Pannonie romaine: Partie en Yugoslavie, Leiden.

236 236 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN SPERA, L., Il territorio della Via Appia. Forme trasformative del paesaggio nei secoli della tarda Antichità, dans Suburbium, Pergola, P., Sanangeli Valenzani, R., Volpe, R., STEFĂNESCU, A Note epigrafice. Despre semnificația unor dublete din Dacia romană, Apulum XLI,

237 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine 237 Répartition des gentilices italiens parmi la population résidante Gentilices italiques par ordre alphabétique No. occurrences Gentilices italiques par ordre croissant d occurrences No. occurrences Exprimés en pourcentages 1 Acutius 1 Acutius Aemilius 3 Aesernius Aesernius 1 Ammius Ammius 1 Ancharius Ancharius 1 Anclarenius Anclarenius 1 Appius Annius 7 Aquilius Antistius 3 Artorius Antonius 54 Aselius Aponius 2 Avillius Appius 1 Baebius Apuleius 2 Caesonius Aquilius 1 Carteius Arranius 2 Caventius Arrius 5 Cervonius Artorius 1 Coelius Aselius 1 Frisenius Atilius 3 Gaius Atius 5 Gellius Avillius 1 Horatius

238 238 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN 21 Avonius 2 Laecanius Baebatius 2 Lusius Baebius 1 Mateus Caecilius 4 Memmius Caesonius 1 Mestrinius Calpurnius 9 Mestrius Carteius 1 Mucius Cassius 16 Nassidius Calventius 2 Nennius Caventius 1 Patulcius Cervonius 1 Petilius Coelius 1 Pompeius Cominius 7 Sentinas Cornelius 18 Sergius Domitius 23 Sertorius Fabius 9 Servilius Fabricius 6 Seximius Fanius 3 Sossius Firmius 3 Statius Frisenius 1 Statorius Gaius 1 Stertinius Gellius 1 Tadius Herennius 6 Umbricius Horatius 1 Urbius Ianuarius 7 Vasidius Iunius 4 Vaternius Laecanius 1 Veracius Laelius 2 Veratius Licinius 7 Aponius Lisinius 2 Apuleius

239 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine Livius 4 Arranius Lucilius 6 Avonius Lucius 2 Baebatius Lusius 1 Calventius Manlius 2 Laelius Marcius 4 Lisinius Marius 7 Lucius Mateus 1 Manlius Memmius 1 Naevius Mestrinius 1 Ostilius Mestrius 1 Petronius Mettius 4 Rustius Minicius 3 Seius Mucius 1 Statilius Naevius 2 Tuticius Nassidius 1 Umbrius Nennius 1 Venusius Nonius 4 Vettius Nummius 3 Vibidius Octavius 3 Volusius Opellius 8 Aemilius Ophonius 3 Antistius Ostilius 2 Atilius Papirius 4 Fanius Patulcius 1 Firmius Petilius 1 Minicius Petronius 2 Nummius Pompeius 1 Octavius Pomponius 5 Ophonius Pontius 6 Tapetius

240 240 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN 81 Procilius 9 Varius Publicius 5 Veturius Rustius 2 Virius Seius 2 Caecilius Sentinas 1 Iunius Sentius 5 Livius Sergius 1 Marcius Sertorius 1 Mettius Servilius 1 Nonius Seximius 1 Papirius Silius 5 Spedius Sossius 1 Titius Spedius 4 Arrius Statilius 2 Atius Statius 1 Pomponius Statorius 1 Publicius Stertinius 1 Sentius Tadius 1 Silius Tapetius 3 Varenius Terentius 6 Fabricius Titius 4 Herennius Turranius 6 Lucilius Tuticius 2 Pontius Umbricius 1 Terentius Umbrius 2 Turranius Urbius 1 Vibius Valerius 106 Annius Varenius 5 Cominius Varius 3 Ianuarius Vasidius 1 Licinius 7 1.3

241 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine Vaternius 1 Marius Venusius 2 Opellius Veracius 1 Calpurnius Veratius 1 Fabius Vettius 2 Procilius Veturius 3 Cassius Vibidius 2 Cornelius Vibius 6 Domitius Virius 3 Antonius Volusius 2 Valerius

242 242 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN Répartition des gentilices italiens parmi la population flottante Gentilices italiques par ordre alphabétique No. occurrences Gentilices italiques par ordre croissant d occurrences No. occurrences Exprimés en pourcentages 1 Aemilius 3 Albucius Albucius 1 Ampius Ampius 1 Antestius Aninius 4 Antius Annius 3 Arrius Antestius 1 Atilius Antius 1 Atrius Antonius 12 Aurius Arrius 1 Avianius Arruntius 4 Avitius Atilius 1 Caes Atrius 1 Caius Attius 2 Calpurni us Aurius 1 Calventi us Avianius 1 Calvisius Avitius 1 Carteius Baebius 1 Baebius Caecidius 1 Caecidius Caecilius 2 Caventius Caelius 4 Cosconi us Caes 1 Cuspius Caius 1 Didius Calpurni 1 Ennius

243 Les gentilices italiques en Dacie romaine 243 us Calventius Furius Calvisius 1 Geminius Carteius 1 Iavolenus Carvilius 2 Iunius Cassius 6 Laberius Caventius 1 Lucius Cornelius 2 Lucretius Cosconius 1 Maecius Cuspius 1 Minicius Didius 1 Nonius Domitius 3 Oclatius Ennius 1 Offelius Furius 1 Oppius Geminius 1 Persenius Iavolenus 1 Plautius Iunius 1 Pollius Laberius 1 Por Licinius 3 Raecius Lucius 1 Satrius Lucretius 1 Scantius Maecius 1 Scribonius Memmius 2 Scruius Minicius 1 Sentius Nonius 1 Serennius Oclatius 1 Silius Offelius 1 Terentius Oppius 1 Tersenius Persenius 1 Trosius Petronius 4 Turanius Plautius 1 Veratius Pollius 1 Versinius

244 244 RALUCA DRAGOSTIN 55 Pompeius 3 Vettius Pomponius Vettulenus Por 1 Salonius Raecius 1 Vitius Sabinius 2 Attius Salonius 1 Caecilius Satrius 1 Carvilius Scantius 1 Cornelius Scribonius Memmius Scruius 1 Pomponius Sempronius Sabinius Sentius 1 Sempronius Serennius 1 Tiberius Silius 1 Vibius Terentius 1 Annius Tersenius 1 Domitius Tiberius 2 Licinius Trosius 1 Pompeius Turanius 1 Statius Valerius 24 Aninius Veratius 1 Arruntius Versinius 1 Caelius Vettius 1 Petronius Vettulenus Cassius Vibius 2 Antonius Vitius 1 Valerius

245 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, WOMEN AND «ORIENTAL» CULTS IN ROMAN DACIA JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA 1 Keywords: Women, Dacia, society, religion, oriental cults, Cybele, Isis, Azizos, Deus Aeternus Abstract: An analysis of female religious preferences in the context of the cults of eastern origin is performed on these pages because of the need for specific studies on cults preferred by each social group in the provincial life of Roman Dacia. It should be a contribution to the objective of achieving a better perspective and understanding of the followers of each cult and the general structure of the religious life in the Dacian provinces. Rezumat: Autorul prezintă o analiză a preferințelor religioase ale femeilor din Dacia romană în contextul cultelor de origine orientală. Articolul se poate dovedi util în perspectiva unei mai bune înțelegeri a practicanților fiecărui cult în parte şi a structurii generale a vieții religioase din provinciile dacice. When researching the spread of different cults, scholars of religion in Roman Dacia have been concentrated especially in making lists of people belonging to each social group that worshipped the same divinity, but with few exceptions it has not been considered which were the gods preferred by each of these social groups. As already noted Schäfer a few years ago, the comparison between the gods preferred by these groups should lead us to check if the members of the provincial and municipal administration, army officers and soldiers, traders and artisans, women or slaves, worshiped or not the same deities. In this way we can achieve a 1 Universidad Católica San Antonio de Murcia, jrcarbo@ucam.edu. This study has been carried out in the framework of the project with key HAR , funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation, and it is also part of the partial objectives of two recognized research groups, of which the author is a Member: the recipient of the above mentioned project, group EPIRUS (Estudios sobre el Poder en el Imperio Romano, de la Universidad de Salamanca) and the group HHR (Historiografía e Historia de las Religiones, de la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid).

246 246 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA better perspective and a greater understanding of the worshipers and the provincial religious structure 2. An example of these exceptions in relation to one of these groups was a small paper published by C. Jucan only five years ago: this group was that of women 3. It was obviously only an approach to the subject, which should later be developed as a much deeper study, and which was then presented in a paper of just 10 pages. But this does not detract the merit of constituting a perfect sample of the type of studies demanded by Schäfer, and therefore, in the case of the study of the religious preferences of women in Roman Dacia, it is significant. In our vast study on ʺOrientalʺ cults we had in mind the criticisms and proposals of Schäfer in relation to the previous scholarship which had been dedicated to the study of the religious phenomenon in Roman Dacia, so we paid attention to the favourite gods of every social group in the specific context of the Roman cults of Eastern origin 4. In this paper we intend to carry out a more precise analysis of religious preferences of women in Roman Dacia and in that same context. However, as a prelude to the development of this study, we believe that it is necessary to deep on the definition of the ʺOrientalʺ epithet that we use to characterize these cults to which we refer; and we do this because the greater or lesser presence of women among the dedicants of the monuments will be conditioned by the general characteristics of these cults. The concept of the Orient refers to a direction applied to a defined area in the representation of the world. Among the Romans, the term Oriental was never applied to the religious context of the peoples or cultures located in Asia or in Egypt, since both oriens and orientalis only appear in a geopolitical or astronomical context 5. When otherness was rejected in times of crisis, or when certain forms of foreign religious manifestations were seen as scandalous regardless of the geographical 2 SCHÄFER 2004, JUCAN 2007, CARBÓ GARCÍA 2010a. 5 BELAYCHE 2000, 567.

247 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 247 location characterizing them, some classical authors such as Livy, Suetonius, Pliny the Younger and Cicero used either the term externae religiones 6 or peregrinae superstitiones 7. In Rome, the concept of religio, which implied that it was national and authentic, contrasted with superstitio, which was characterized as being suspicious or exotic. Anything that did not follow the standard ritual marked out for this purpose by the mos maiorum, that is, the teachings of the ancestors and the legitimization that comes from tradition, was branded as superstitio 8. As Beard, North and Price put it so well, several of the cults did certainly proclaim an eastern «origin» for their wisdom, but it is often clear that a Roman version of the cult differed substantially from its (notional) eastern ancestor. Above all, the «Orient» itself was hardly the homogeneous category that we (like the Romans, no doubt) often try to make it 9. The key, then, seems to be that these religious manifestations centered around divinities coming from the different areas of the Orient would have spread to the Greco Roman world after having been the object of a process of reinterpretation; they may have characteristics in common but are different in each particular case, just as their geographical and temporal origins could be different within the general and not at all homogeneous conception of the Orient. As its use was conceived, the term Oriental, when applied to certain religious manifestations, entailed ambiguity, since it gave the idea that they had come to the Greco Roman world just as they were before and that they had maintained a purely Oriental character in an Occidental context. Furthermore, it tended to situate them in a rather homogeneous category and consider them to be of the same type: that of religions with mysteries that offered salvation after death to initiates 10. To circumvent this problem, some authors, such as Robert Turcan, have opted for explaining that rather than «Oriental religions» one should speak of 6 LIVY, ; ; ; y 8 9. SUET, Tib PLINY, Pan CIC. Leg. 2.10; Nat. D TURCAN 1996, BEARD, NORTH & PRICE 1998, TURCAN 1996, 7.

248 248 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA religions of eastern origin, or of Graeco Oriental religions 11. Others, like myself, have preferred to characterize this option and its meaning with some simple quotation marks at the beginning and end of the epithet in question 12. All of them seem to accept the conclusion reached in the period between the world wars that they were only oriental to a certain degree, since they had undergone essential changes during the process of dissemination in the Hellenistic period and later in the Roman Empire. Precisely so that they could be adapted to the new social milieu, the deities of eastern origin were acclimatized to the expectations of their new followers, such that in this sense, they were no longer purely oriental and became a cultural recreation that justified the use of quotation marks For Jaime Alvar, the use of quotation marks could also be justified by the scant usefulness of the information deriving from the study of the religious manifestations of those cults before they had spread considering the above for the analysis and understanding of their religious significance in the Roman era 14. Richard Gordon shows us how individual private cults to some of these gods of eastern origin, such as Isis or Magna Mater, were absorbed by the cities and how their priesthoods were put on the list of civic priesthoods. Some of the important ceremonies of these religious manifestations, such as the processions in the two mentioned cults, or in those of several Syrian divinities, could be easily absorbed into the norms of municipal religious life. And as the era of the Principate advanced, these cults were gradually institutionalized in the local contexts, such that they offered a compromise between the oriental model of religious services (an expression that Gordon considers is better than priesthood ) and the Greco Roman model of public sacrificial evergetism 15. So, taking into account the above mentioned, the meaning that I understand for the ʺOrientalʺ term in the title of this paper is the same as 11 Ibidem 12 See as examples: GORDON 1990, ; in the title: BELAYCHE 2000; ALVAR ALVAR 2001, Ibid., GORDON 1990, 246.

249 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 249 that understood by those authors: religious manifestations around gods of Eastern origin, that spread in the Greco Roman world following a process of adaptation or reinterpretation in order to cover the expectations of their new receivers 16. Thus, among these ʺOrientalʺ cults or cults of Eastern origin would be Mithraism, the Syrian and Palmyrene cults, the cults of Asia Minor and the Egyptian cults. Those of Asia Minor included the Phrygian cults of Cybele and Attis, and the vast majority of the testimonies of the Egyptian cults corresponded to the Isiac cult. However, both the Cibeles and Atis as the Isis and Serapis cults had been incorporated into the established forms of the imperial religious system a long time ago. On which it comes to Mithraism, women were excluded of participation 17 and the epigraphic record of Dacia does not show exceptions between their dedicants. Nevertheless, it does appear a woman, Apuleia, as a beneficiary, along with his son, of the dedication that makes his father in law 18. Letʹs see what happens in the rest of the cases. 16 The issue of studies on this type of cults in the Roman Empire in relation to the particular case of Dacia has already been treated in CARBÓ GARCÍA 2010b. 17 The mysteries of the Egyptians and Phrygian cults defended the family structure as a support of the social order, while Mithraism defended the military structure, in which women were also excluded. Cfr. GORDON 1972, 98. See also ALVAR 2001, 131. Some dubious testimonials have been put forward as evidence of a possible initiation of women, for example PORPH., De Abst., IV, 16; TERT., De praescr. haeret., XL, 1 5 (He mentions some virgins which could be interpreted with the symbolism of the mithraic degree of nymphus); CIMRM 115 (not necessarily a mithraic inscription). In front of them, as noted by Alvar, ʺit is the payroll of thousand exclusively male mithraists and the total absence of women in the iconographyʺ. Obviously, any new finding in this regard would make it necessary to re examine the issue, but before all the appalling data already existing in the mithraic register pointing to the male exclusivity of the cult, we cannot but reaffirm us totally in the exclusion of women in the participation of the mithraic cult. That is why Alvar asks ʺwhere are the women? Perhaps part of the historical failure of Mithraism lies in this segregation of half of the social bodyʺ. For the contrary position, arising from inconsistent way the unsustainability of male exclusivity in Mithraism in the light of the commented testimonies, see DAVID 2000, CIL III, 968 = 7729; ILS 4241; CIMRM II, p. 293, nº 2006 y nº 2007; IDR III/2, 306a; CODR, 57, pp

250 250 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA a) Women in the Syrian and Palmyrene cults. As it is often the case in the majority of the religious manifestations in the Roman Empire, women are represented in much lesser extent than men; this does not mean they did not participate in the different cults, and in fact the religion was one of the areas in which they could join better, but it is true that they consecrated less inscriptions, both for economic reasons and Roman education itself. In the case of the Syrian and Palmyrene cults in Dacia, this general perception of the situation in the Empire can be clearly perceived, especially because many of the women who appear as dedicants do this indeed as wives or daughters of the main dedicant, who is a man. Between the dedicants in the cult of Azizos we detect three women. Of them, only Statilia Lucia appears as a wife accompanying her husband in the dedication of the inscription that they erected in Apulum 19. Instead, in other two inscriptions of the same locality, two women as unique dedicants of the monuments erected to the divinity of Edessa under the name of Bonus Puer Phosphorus can be observed. The first of these is Laelia Curilla and the second, Iulia Secunda 20, who reflects in her dedication a syncretism between Azizos and Jupiter Optimus Maximus, when directing it to Puer Phosphorus Deus Optimus Maximus. That these two women appear as individual dedicants of Azizos could be explained by the very nature of divinity, which used to be depicted as a teenager puer carrying a cake, a symbol of the God of the morning star, which preceded the Sun and announced the coming of light and life, and can be related with fertility and childbirth 21. In the cult of Deus Aeternus, between the dedicants we note a significant presence of women that we must also try to explain. Five of the seven testimonies are women accompanying men appearing as major dedicants of the inscriptions: Aurelia Urbica and Matrona in an inscription 19 Rep Respectivamente, rep. 2 y TURCAN 1996, 184 ; SANIE 1981,

251 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 251 from Ampelum, respectively the wife and daughter of the imperial freedman Zmaragdus 22 ; Aelia Vindia in an inscription from Apulum, appearing as the wife of Titus Flavius Flavianus, augustal of the municipium 23 ; and finally, in a monument from Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, Seximia Hermione and Procilia, respectively wife and daughter of Marcus Procilius Aphrodisius, augustal of the colony and freedman, the three of them part of a community of cultores of Deus Aeternus 24. The sixth case is that of Flavia Crescentina, who appears in an inscription from Ulpia Traiana as mater of the college of growers of apples, accompanying the pater, Valerius Ianuarius, and other members of the college, probably also forming part of the cultural community around Deus Aeternus in the city 25. And finally, the seventh case corresponds to Aurelia Galla, in an inscription found in Sighişoara, where this time it is the husband, an imaginifer of any military unit, who accompanies his wife in the dedication to Aeternus 26. Even so, and unlike what we could see for the cult of Azizos, between Deus Aeternus dedicants it does not appear a single woman which performed her dedication to the deity individually 27. Between the dedicants of the cult of Jupiter Dolichenus, dominated by the military and the priests of the God, we only find a woman, Apollonia, who accompanies her husband, the centurion Probus, on the inscription erected in Sucidava, in Dacia Malvensis 28. We find again female dedicants in inscriptions erected to 1gÎH ~KR4FJ@H, all of them from Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. In the first of them appears 9">4:", accompanying her husband, the procurator 22 Rep Rep Rep Rep Rep We have not taken into account the inscription CIL III, 7737 = IDR III5, 26, (Apulum) because the proposed reading in these and other publications, which attributed it to Aeternus, is wrong, as I could see in situ during my visit to the Brukenthal Museum in May 2007, guided by doctor Sonoc, noting that the more approximate reading would be rather Ael(ius) Elm[ ] / Clodi(us) / Maxim(us) / et Ela / Valeria. 28 Rep. 9.

252 252 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA of the Dacia 29, while in the second,!æ8\" 5"FF\" devoted the monument individually 30. With the inscription in Greek and the divinity whom she erects the inscription, she might be of eastern origin, perhaps from Syria, if we take into account that the majority of the Aelii of which there is testimony on Sarmizegetusa were of eastern origin coming from Syria, and more precisely from Palmyra. In the absence of more data and taking into account the small number of inscriptions dedicated to this deity in Dacia, we can not venture to launch a hypothesis that could explain the attraction he could have for this woman. Finally, only one woman appears between all the dedicantes of monuments directed to the Palmyrene gods, although itʹs an individual dedication and in adition it was erected to the Palmyrene dii patrii 31. This dedication to the native Palmyrene gods in Gilău is an almost unequivocal proof of the eastern origin of the woman, probably from Palmyra, and we are dealing probably with the wife or a relative of one of the soldiers in the camp of Gilău, who lived in the nearby military vicus. Seeing the importance that the cults of their native divinities had for the Palmyrenes, it is not surprising that among these dedicants appears also a woman with this same origin. Thus, with the only exceptions of the cults of Azizos and Deus Aeternus, women are not well represented in the epigraphic record of Syrian and Palmyrene cults in Dacia. But most prominent is still their total absence among the dedicants of female Syrian deities as Dea Syria or Baltis, which should be tried to explain eventually because of the small number of inscriptions dedicated to these divinities and found in Roman Dacia until now. A special case would be that of the cult of Sol Invictus Elagabalus, a controversial one because in Dacia a single registration with this identifying name of Syrian origin has not been found 32. A Senator and 29 Rep Rep Rep CARBÓ GARCÍA 2010c, 1 30.

253 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 253 Legionary legate, Quintus Marcius Victor Felix Maximillianus, dedicated an inscription to Sol, accompanied by his wife, the clarissima Pullaiena Caeliana, and by his son, the clarissimus Publius Marcius Victor Maximillianus 33. Both Halsberghe and Sanie believed that we have here a dedication to the Syrian Sol Invictus and not to Mithras 34. Indeed, it could not be even a demonstration of any of these two cults, but a dedication to the Roman Sol Invictus, but if we take into account the era in which the inscription dates, in the reign of Septimius Severus, it seems likely that it could be the Syrian deity, although we should remember that Septimius Severus and Caracalla took advantage of the cult of the Roman Sun through a syncretism between both divinities 35. In fact, this would be a situation very similar to that seen for Rome, with the evolution of the solar cult from the recent Antonines and especially Commodus until the Severan dynasty. On the dedications of three Senators and successive commanders of the Legion XIII Gemina from Apulum, seat of Government of the three provinces of Dacia, the process of evolution of this Roman Sol Invictus can be observed, from creation by imperial ideology, which sought a symbol to represent the characteristics of the institution of the Principality government of a single person, with a victorious and beneficial nature, towards the Syrian Sol Invictus Elagabalus, introduced since the reign of Septimius Severus. So at the time of the Severan dynasty, it is very possible that it were the Syrian god which was worshipped, but undoubtedly assuming the ideological characteristics that had led to the formation of the Roman Sol Invictus. Thus, the dedication of this Senator who was accompanied by his wife, is an example of religious and political loyalty to the emperor and his ideology, by the high Roman aristocracy present in the province Rep HALSBERGHE 1972, 115; SANIE 1981, CARBÓ GARCÍA 2010c, 24 y 29, nº About the designation of Roman or Latin speaking governors for the Latin speaking provinces, and of Greek speaking ones for the Greek speaking provinces, expressed as one of the characteristics of the good $"F48gbH on the work of Philostratus, see MAZZA 1982, 109.

254 254 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA b) Women in the cults from Asia Minor. It should be noted that the most part of attested cases of women among the dedicants of the cults from Asia Minor are concentrated in the cult of Magna Mater Cybele, being Aelia Vicentia the only exception. She appears as co dedicant of an inscription to Juno Semlia with her likely husband, which is the main dedicant 37. Three are the monuments erected by individual women, without being accompanied in their dedications by men. Of them, two come from Drobeta. The dedicant of the first, Iulia Maximilla, of italic origin, also took the cost of construction of a porch, possibly of a temple of Cybele in this city, so we must assume that she was a rich woman, possibly of high class 38. The second inscription was dedicated by Abuccia Claudiana 39. On the other hand, in Apulum, Umbricia Maxima dedicated another votive altar or a base of statue to Magna Mater 40. Their names are Latin in character and resonance, which can make us presuppose that they were women of italic origin. On the other hand, we should not exclude the possibility that they came from other parts of the Roman Empire, although we must remember that, unlike what happens with other cults of Asia Minor, the early introduction of the cult of Cybele in Rome made its spread not depending of people whose ethnic origin were from Asia Minor. With these cases, others appear of women accompanying men in their dedications. In one of these, from Apulum, Claudia Candida is the wife of Titus Flavius Longinus, a veteran and member of the local aristocracy of several cities of Dacia, and mother of Flavia Clementina, Flavia Marcellina and Flavius Longinus, their three sons, who also participated as dedicants of the inscription 41. The dedication of the 37 Rep Rep Rep Rep Rep. 18.

255 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 255 monument was conducted by the health of the Emperor and because an order of the deity ex imperio 42. The name of the father and husband is Latin, very common at the time, and he could have been of italic origin, although there is not an indication on his ethnicity and that of his family. Finally, if we accept that the pater of the college of the dedrophori of Apulum, the equestrian Caius Nummius Certus, and his mother, daughter of a equestrian, Verzovia Saturnina, were followers of the Phrygian cults 43 it is a possibility, but it is doubtful, we would be talking about a equestrian and his mother; she, a Roman citizen and daughter of a equestrian, although she has a name of illyrian origin 44. This is really a funerary inscription that mentions a collegium dendrophororum 45. We have 42 This formula, as well as others in the same style iusso dei, iussus fecit,z+> B4J"( H showed a predisposition between the faithful to submissively accept the divine orders in response to their requests, either through oracles or through dreams, so that the faithful were doomed to a position of subservience to the divinity, internalizing so much their dependence to the absolute power of the gods that they could practically feel in some way their slaves. LOZANO 2007, 355: the conception of an absolute power of the gods on the faithful would have had its origin in the East, being a prominent and characteristic trait of its people when assuming and expressing their religiosity. In inscriptions from Asia Minor, the followers of these gods could appear defined as slaves without actually and legally belonging to that social group. We have dedicated a forthcoming paper to these issues: CARBÓ GARCÍA (forthcoming). 43 Rep MAYER 1957, 358 ss. (quoted by Piso in IDR III/5, 599). 45 This school was a kind of brotherhood that was put under the tutelage of Cybele and Attis probably as a result of the reform of the worship attributed to Claudius. It covered all activities related to the wood, from loggers to the carpenters and cabinet makers. In the holyday of the arbor intrat, on 22 March, the members of the college wore the pine that remembered that other which grew in the place where Attis fell dead, according to myth. As Alvar and Rubio have well said, it is true that the mention of a collegium dendrophororum in an inscription should not be the only reason to think that we are faced with Phrygian cults followers. But in the case that concerns us, where an equestrian appears as a dedicant as patron of the college, and where we can relate the funerary nature of the inscription with the enormous importance that Attis has in this area, we believe that the presence in a community of followers of Cybele and Attis in Apulum can be accepted, when we are also taking into account other inscriptions dedicated to the great mother of the gods. If the dedicant and his deceased mother were members of that community is another issue. See ALVAR 2001, 211; RUBIO 1993,

256 256 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA obviously considered this inscription between those of the Phrygian cults because of the possibility that the mention of the college at Apulum meant the existence of a community of faithful of the cult of Cybele. The existence of this community of Apulum is proven by the other inscriptions dedicated to the Magna Mater, but that does not mean that the mother of the pater of the college was a follower of the cult of Cybele, although it is a possibility that must be taken into account, too. She was the daughter of an equestrian and so was his son, and we know that the Phrygian cults were to some extent widespread between the members of the ordo, but the patronage of the colleges of dendrophori by members of the local aristocracy could answer to an issue of honorary kind 46. In general, we can see that, even within the limited dissemination of the Phrygian cults of Cybele and Attis in Dacia much lesser than that on the other provinces of the Roman Empire, women played an important role. Several among them should enjoy a good social and/or economic situation, personally or through their husbands, and there is a high percentage on which there could be material testimonies of their devotion in their personal capacity. In this way and not counting with the funerary inscription that mentions the dendrophori more than half of the epigraphic monuments mentioning women in the Phrygian cults in Dacia are consecrated in a direct and individual way by them. Only in one a woman appears as a subsidiary, as it is the husband which funds the costs of the inscription. However, the limited numbers of monuments that we handle for the cult of Cybele and Attis in Dacia relativize the importance of these findings in comparison with the cases of other provinces of the Empire where the Phrygian cults were most widespread CARBÓ GARCÍA 2010a, In general, the predominance of males against women among the dedicants of the epigraphic monuments is normal, something in which the economic and cultural difficulties for women in Roman society influenced, when it comes to publicly express their religious feelings. On women in the cults with mysteries, see ALVAR 1994, 73 84: And if the woman does not have so many possibilities it may be due to different accessibility that they have, within the family, to domestic finance structure. But it is also due, without doubt, to a collective behaviour that facilitates male participation in religious

257 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 257 In what refers to the attraction that the Phrygian cults could have for women, it should be pointed out that, at first, they would have two forms of participation: a more passive type, in which women, without being initiated in the mysteries, participate in public events, such as worship processions or the erection of epigraphic monuments; a more active involvement would include the initiation into the mysteries and the membership to the cybelic community, properly said. Given that women could hold any office within those communities, regardless of their social status, they could act in a more active way than in the official religion and achieve a social responsibility that many of them could not even dreaming in civic life. On the other hand, the majority of the initiated would seek ways to alleviate their religious concerns in the religious environment within communities formed by men and women. In this way, personal promotion and social integration seem to have been the main attractions for women when looking for their participation in the Phrygian mysteries of Cybele and Attis 48. For the rest of cults originated in Asia Minor, we have already seen that the importance of women in its spread in Dacia is almost zero, according to the data offered by the inscriptions, featuring a single woman accompanying to her husband, who was the main dedicator. c) Women in the Isiac cults. Practically in all the Danubian space, devotees had especially in its ranks Roman and italic people, members of the ordo senatorium and ordo equester in the imperial provincial government, municipal aristocracy and military, being the god Serapis object of the majority of their dedications, testimonies of loyalty to the Emperor and the Empire. Other monuments acts and, collaterally, in social relations that are not as accessible to women. This reality not only affects the well integrated society and the civic world, but also the expressions of alternative religiosity; when adopted by the Roman society they are altered by its customs (p. 78). 48 Ibid., pp

258 258 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA are testimony of a devotion of more personal kind, many of them dedicated by women and especially directed to Isis, without involving that this divinity did not also have many followers who were men 49. In fact, the involvement of women in the Isiac worship was less frequent than we could imagine or what has been noted by some authors 50. When approaching more and more to power during the 1st century AD, the Egyptian cults were losing gradually its otherness and the alternative possibility of expression of religiosity which had both attracted individuals from marginalized or oppressed sectors which had adopted them at first, as slaves or women 51. Thus, the deep introduction became more difficult, as in fact we can see in Dacia. Three are the monuments of Egyptian cults erected by women either individually or in group, but without being accompanied in his dedications by men. Of them, the most important is a foundation votive inscription from Micia and dedicated by Domitia, Vettia, and Aux?, who jointly sponsored the construction of an iseum in this town 52. The first of these appears to have been the wife of Titus Varenius Pudens, a known character in the epigraphy of the province, probably prefect of the cohors II Flavia Commagenorum, stationed there 53 ; he was a Roman of equestrian rank with State horse, from Papiria tribe, decurion and flamen of the colony of Sarmizegetusa, decurion of the municipality of Apulum, patron of the 49 DUNAND 1983, 85. Dunand presented a brief comparison of the sociology of the Egyptian cults in the Western provinces of the Roman Empire, of which the main conclusions are a higher implementing among the indigenous population for the two provinces of Germania or Hispania, and the spread by the military in Britannia and Pannonia. He did nt enter to assess the case of Dacia since he felt that the general inventory of the monuments of the Egyptian cults found in its territory still had not been done, not missing him some justification, since the work of Alexandru Popa, only 4 years old at the time, had not been published then and has not been until now, being also a difficult reference work that I, however, was lucky to access to in the library of Ancient History, Archaeology and History of the Art of the Babeş Bolyai University, in Muzeul Național de Istorie a Transilvaniei, in Cluj Napoca: POPA HEYOB 1975, 81 and next. 51 ALVAR 1991, Rep On this military unit, see PETOLESCU 2002, 97 99, nº 31.

259 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 259 municipality of Porolissum and colleges, and a jurist 54. As dedicants, Vettia and Aux...? accompany him; their status is not specified but in any case they could not be slaves, taking into account the magnitude of the cost of the construction of a temple 55. This inscription is a very important testimony of the importance of women among the dedicants of the cult of Isis, this time three of them jointly building a temple. In Apulum, Aelia Iusta dedicated an inscription to Isis, that bears the epithet myrionima, by her childʹs health 56. Stands out in it the popularity which this cult enjoyed in the female sex being Isis precisely ʺthe goddess of womenʺ, which protected and granted her aid to specific problems in childbirth and later, in maternity 57. However, as noted by Heyob, this does not mean that among her followers there were not also large numbers of men, who in fact held most of the times the highest positions of the Isiac hierarchy 58. And another monument erected on an individual basis is that of the freedwoman Aelia Primitiva, an altar dedicated in Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa to the Dea Regina for the sake of her former master, Aelius Metrodorus, so here the healing aspect of the goddess especially seems to manifest itself 59. The four remaining cases are of women accompanying men on their dedications, generally their husbands, although not always, as we can see in an altar of Ulpia Traiana, erected by Aurelia Fortunata, freedwoman of an augustal, whom she accompanies in the dedication His family was actively involved in local and provincial politics since the second half of the 2nd century until the beginning of the third century A.D. See IDR III/2, 128, 129 and possibly 130, from Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa; on the Varenii family in Dacia, see also IDR III/5, 596, from Apulum. 55 MORA 1990, 480, nº 100; 467, nº Rep HEYOB 1975, 45 and next; 66 and next: Isis designates itself in the aretalogies as the patron of women, protecting them and giving them their aid to specific problems, but above all in childbirth, where she intervened in her invocation of Isis Bubastis. Later, such protection extended in motherhood, which she posed in a special way with her son Harpocrates. 58 Ibid., Rep Rep. 23.

260 260 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA Also from this city come other epigraphic monuments, such as the one dedicated to the Dea Regina by Antonia Valentina and her husband, both of them building also the temple of Isis, everything for the health of their daughter, Claudia Valentina, what brings us back again to the healing and protective of the women aspects who had the Egyptian goddess 61. Or the votive altar dedicated to Serapis by Apronilla and by her husband, an equestrian, imperial procurator, so unlike the previous cases, the motivation of this dedication appears to be political and not of a personal kind 62. And a last testimony comes from Potaissa, where Flavia Apollinaria and her husband, the centurion Caius Julius Antigonus, dedicated a new votive altar to Isis and Serapis 63. We can see that women played a fairly important role in the dissemination of the Isiac cults in Dacia, only surpassed by the members of the ordo senatorium and ordo equester, which occupied positions in the provincial imperial government or serving as army high officers. Some among them should enjoy a good social and economic situation, and again there is a high percentage on which there could be material testimonies of their devotion in their personal capacity: of the nine women attested, five devoted its monuments without intervention of any man. As for the buildings of temples, three of them erected the iseum of Micia and another one accompanied her husband on the construction of the iseum of Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. The Isiac cults also had other attractions for females in their forms of participation, as we have seen for the cult of Cybele too. Thus, together with the known attributes of Isis as protective of women and healing, the pursuit of promotion staff and social integration also should be taken into account as attractive to women when looking for their participation in the Isiac mysteries 64. Thus, they were participants in the cult and also broadcasters, at least among other women of the Dacian provinces. 61 Rep Rep Rep ALVAR 1994,

261 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 261 Given that we have discussed the women on a collective basis, it should not surprise us too much that their dedications achieve a 15.7% of the total between oriental cults, since to this figure should be opposing the 84.3% represented by men, a habitual situation in epigraphic records, because as already noted, women erected less inscriptions both for economic reasons and for the characteristics of Roman education and its patriarchal model. And in Dacia we can also see clearly this perception of the situation in the Empire, especially because in addition, many of the women who appear as dedicants actually do it either as wives or daughters of the main dedicant, which is generally a man. Nevertheless, those who appear between the dedicants of oriental cults in Dacia mostly concentrated preferences in the Syrian cults with a 45%. On the other hand, a 29% of their dedications are concentrated in the Isiac cults, and above all on Isis. Finally, the cults of Asia Minor and among them especially the Phrygian cults, receive almost the remaining 26% of their dedications, so women played an important role in the spread of the cult of Cybele in Dacia. Leaving aside Mithraism, given that women could not participate in their mysteries, personal promotion and social integration seem to have been the main attractions for women when looking for their participation in the Phrygian and Isiac mysteries, with the known attributes of Isis as protective of women and healing, too 65. The contradictions between integration and marginality help us to understand that the official support did not imply a problem to detect other social elements of the provincial population among his followers, given that in the provinces the same conflict observed in Rome is reproduced. In Dacia, women, for example, occupy a very important position between the Isiac cults and Phrygian cults dedicants while we reiterate the limited spread and implementation of the latter. However, on many occasions women followers of those and other cults did not demonstrate their religious preferences in the form of epigraphic dedications because of the already mentioned reasons, and therefore they 65 Ibidem.

262 262 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA do not appear as dedicants 66. This general perception of the situation in the Empire has its reproduction in Roman Dacia, where we have already mentioned that in addition it is observed that many of women appearing as dedicants in the epigraphic record are wives or daughters of the main dedicant, a man, and as such are identified 67. We have also seen that women would have two forms of participation: a more passive type, in which women, without being initiated in the mysteries, participate in public events, such as worship processions or the erection of inscriptions; and a more active participation which would include the initiation into the mysteries and the membership to the Isiac or Cybelic community. And given that women could hold any office within those communities, regardless of their social status, they could act in a more active way than on the official religion, achieving greater social responsibility than that they could aspire to in civic life. On the other hand, the majority of the initiated would seek ways to alleviate their religious concerns in the religious environment within communities formed by members of the two sexes 68. On which it refers to the social extraction of women followers of these cults, the economic upturn through the worship service often participating as priestesses and therefore controlling the financial resources of the sanctuaries only could be a stimulus for those women of humble origin, while the others having a more vented socio economical position would be more attracted by the possibility of participating in a heterosexual community. The different option between Isis and Cybele for women has great interest for us, because it displays the different attraction that both cults exercised over them, which could be explained perhaps by the difference between the proposed conduct models. The ideological content of the cult of Isis, which best reproduced the family structure, had a greater capacity 66 Ibid., JUCAN 2007, ALVAR 1994, 77 78; ALVAR 1991, As a general reference work, the already quoted HEYOB 1975.

263 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 263 of integration than the Cybele cult 69. And in the inscriptions of Dacia we can also check the great popularity of the Isiac cult on women, being Isis precisely ʺthe goddess of womenʺ. However, the preference of the majority of women appearing in inscriptions were the Syrian and Palmyrene cults, which have not got mysteries and where usually women accompany their husbands in the dedications and just a few are individual ones. Among the latter we can mention those to Azizos, which could be related to fertility and to the childbirth and, therefore, had attributes similar to those already seen for Isis, which would explain its attraction to the female gender. Finally, we include a few percentage graphs that allow us to establish the desired comparison between the cults of eastern origin preferred by women and those preferred by other groups in the provincial society; thus this which will serve us to check the different religious preferences of the members of the provincial and municipal administration, army officers and soldiers, merchants and artisans, slaves and, of course, women 70. In this way we can approach to best fulfil the objective of achieving a better perspective and a greater understanding of the followers of each cult and the provincial religious structure, where women though they are not detected in a majority way in epigraphy for the reasons already explained also played an important role, as it could not be otherwise. REPERTOIRE OF INSCRIPTIONS 1 (Apulum) Votive inscription, probably an altar or base of statue, if one takes into account the height of the epigraphic field. Bibliography: CIL III, 1132; ILS 7142; IDR III/5, 303; CODR, ALVAR 1991, Graphs obtained from the previous survey conducted in CARBÓ GARCÍA 2010a,

264 264 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA Bono Deo / Puero p(h)os / phoro / T(itus) Fl(avius) Italicus / primus IIII / vir m(unicipii) A(urelii) A(pulensis) / cum Stati / lia Lucia / coniuge et / suis ex voto 2 (Apulum) Fragment of votive altar or base of statue without crowning or base. Bibliography: CIL III, 1136; IDR III/5, 305; CODR, 105. Bono Puero / p(h)osphoro / Lael{l}ia Cu / rill{i}a pro sa / lute sua suo / rumque v(otum) s(olvit) / l(ibens) m(erito) 3 (Apulum) Votive inscription. Bibliography: CIL III, 1135; IDR III/5, 304; CODR, 109. Iulia Secunda / Puero p(h)osphoro / D(eo) O(ptimo) M(aximo)? / d(ono) d(edit) d(edicavitque) 4 (Ampelum) Votive altar. Bibliography: CIL III, 1286; IDR III/3, 288; CODR, 126. [D]eo Aeter / no Zmar / agdus aug(usti) / lib(ertus) tab(ularius) et / Aurel(ia) Urb[i] / ca c[oniux] et / Matron[a] / filia / v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibenter) m(erito) 5 (Apulum) Votive altar or base of statue in limestone. Bibliography: CIL III, 1082; IDR III/5, 203; CODR, 138. I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Aeterno / T(itus) Fl(avius) Flavianus / aug(ustalis) m(unicipii) S(eptimii) Ap(ulensis) et dec(urio) / coll(egii) fabr(um) [c]u[m] Aelia / Vindia coniuge sua / quod pro se et Fla / viis Restuto Flavi / no Ianuario Flaviano / fi[li]is suis voverant v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) m(erito) 6 (Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa) Votive marble table. Bibliography: AnnÉp, 1914, 106; IDR III/2, 190; CODR, 154. Deo Aeterno et Iuno / ni et Angelis / M(arcus) Procilius Aphrodi / sius aug(ustalis) col(oniae) metropol(is) / et Seximia Hermione / et Procilia filia / colitoribus d(ono) d(ederunt) p(osuerunt)

265 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia (Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa) Fragmentary marble plate in the base of a votive statue. Bibliography: AnnÉp 2000, 1253; ILD p. 125, nº 249; CODR, 155. [I(ovi) O(ptimo)] M(aximo) et Genịo collegi Pomarens(ium) / Val(erius) Ianuarius pater et Flavia / Crescentina mater pro salụte / filiorum suorum cultores / Iovis optimi maximi ex / promisso fecerunt Numini aeterno / I(ovis) o(ptimi) m(aximi) cultores / Pomarensium / Val(erius) Valerianus I[ ] / Octavius Cassianus [ ] / ỊuỊ(ius) Silvanus IụỊ(ius) Dig[nus? ] / VaỊ(erius) Ianuarius ARSIA [ ] / [ ] 8 (Sighişoara) Votive altar of limestone. Bibliography: CIL III, 6258; IDR III/4, 190; CODR, 146. Aeterno / [s]acr(um) Aur(elia) / [G]alla co[n]i / ux A[ur(eli) D]eci / mi [...] im / ag(iniferi?) [...]m / [ ] 9 (Sucidava) Votive altar of limestone. Bibliography: CIL III, 14490; IDR II, 201; CODR, 194. I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Dol(icheno) / Probus / 7 (centurio) leg(ionis) et A / pollonia / eius v(otum) s(olverunt) 10 (Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa) Marble votive altar. Bibliography: AnnÉp, 1939, 5; IDR III/2, 222; CODR, 207. )4Â {KR\FJå / B06`å /!Â8(4@H) z!b@8[8]4<v- / D4@H B\JD@B@H / 6"Â 9">4:" / gûp"d4fjzd4@< 11 (Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa) Marble votive altar. Bibliography: AnnÉp, 1930, 136 y 1933, 1, 14 (without observing that it is the same epigraphic piece); IDR III/2, 223; CODR, gè / {KR\FJå - / B06`å / gûp"d4fj@ø- / F" <Xh06" /!Æ8\" 5"FF\" 12 (Gilău) Fragmentary votive altar of fine yellow sandstone. Bibliography: AnnÉp 2005, 1293; CODR, 218. [D]is Pa / [t]riis / [Au]r(elia) Se / [v]era / [v(otum) s(olvit)] l(ibens) m(erito)

266 266 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA 13 (Apulum) Votive inscription, probably an altar or base of statue, if one takes into account the height of the epigraphic field. Bibliography: CIL III, 1118; CIMRM II, nº 1952; IDR III/5, 350; CODR, 318. Soli / Q(uintus) Marcius Vi / ctor Felix Ma / ximillianus leg(atus) / Augg(ustorum) leg(ionis) XIII G(eminae) et / Pullaiena Cael / iana c(larissima) f(emina) eius / et P(ublius) Marcius Vi / ctor Maximilli / anus c(larissimus) p(uer) filius / voto 14 (Apulum) Votive altar or base of statue with inscription. Bibliography:CIL III, 7753; IDR III/5, 108; CODR, 244. Iunoni Semliae / Iul(ius) Alexander / actarius l(egati) l(egionis) XIII G(eminae) / et Aelia Vincentia / lib(entes) pos(uerunt) 15 (Drobeta) Votive inscription, probably a plate or a votive altar. Bibliography: CIL III, 1582; IDR II, 26; CODR, 265. M(agnae) d(eum) M(atri) / Iulia Maximil / la v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) por / ticum [de] suo fecit 16 (Drobeta) Block of limestone with votive inscription. Bibliography: CIL III, 8016; IDR II, 27; CODR, 266. M(agnae) d(eum) M(atri) / Abuccia / Claudi / ana / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) 17 (Apulum) Votive inscription, probably an altar or base of statue, if one takes into account the height of the epigraphic field. Bibliography: CIL III, 1102; IDR III/5, 255; CODR, 262. M(agnae) d(eum) M(atri) / Umbricia / Maxim[a] pro / se suisque / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) 18 (Apulum) Votive plate. Bibliography:CIL III, 1100; ILS 7141; IDR III/5, 253; CODR, 260. Pro salute Aug(usti) M(agnae) d(eum) M(atri) / sanctum / T(itus) Fl(avius) Longinus vet(eranus) ex dec(urione) al(ae) II Pann(oniorum) / dec(urio) col(oniae) Dac(icae) dec(urio) mun(icipii) Nap(ocensis) dec(urio) kanab(arum) /

267 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 267 leg(ionis) XIII G(eminae) et Cl(audia) Candida coniux et Flavi(i) / Longinus Clementina Marcellina fil(ii) / ex imperio pecunia sua fecer(unt) l(oco) d(ato) d(ecurionum) d(ecreto) 19 (Apulum) Funerary inscription. Bibliography: CIL III, 1217; IDR III/5, 599; CODR, 263. Ver[z]oviae Sa / turninae [e]q(uitis) r(omani) f(iliae) / C(aius) Numm(ius) Certus / eq(ues) r(omanus) augur col(oniae) / Apul(ensis) patr(onus) coll(egiorum) / fab(rum) et dendr(ophororum) col(oniae) / s(upra) s(criptae) suadente ad / fectione ma / tri posuit 20 (Micia) Marble votive inscription of construction. Bibliography: CIL III, 1341; AnnÉp 1975, 727; IDR III/3, 48; CODR, 289. Isidi ex vo / to temp[lum] / fecit D[o ] / mitia [Va ] / renii [Pude ] / ntis Vettia / [ ] et aux [ (?)] 21 (Apulum) Votive altar of limestone. Bibliography: IDR III/5, 104; CODR, 286. Isidi / myr(ionimae) sac(rum) / Ael(ia) Iusta / pro Ver( ) Fir / no filio / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) 22 (Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa) Marble votive altar. Bibliography: CIL III, 7908; IDR III/2, 309; CODR, 298. Deae Regi(nae) / Ael(ia) Primi / tiva ex vot(o) / pro Ael(io) Me / trodoro / patrono suo / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) 23 (Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa) Altar or votive statue, probably of marble base. Bibliography: CIL III, 1428; IDR III/2, 228; CODR, 299. De[a]e Isidi / Priscianus aug(ustalis) / col(oniae) Sarmiz(egetusae) metrop(oleos) et / Aurelia Fortunata / liberta eius 24 (Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa) Construction marble plate, recomposed from six fragments. Bibliography: CIL III, 7907; IDR III/2, 19; CODR, 297.

268 268 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA Deae [Re]ginae / M(arcus) Com(inius) Q[u]intus eq(uo) p(ublico) / pon(tifex) et q(uin)q(uennalis) col(oniae) et Anto / nia Valentina eius / pro salute Claudi / ae Valentinae / templ(um) a solo fecerunt 25 (Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa) White marble votive altar. Bibliography: AnnÉp 1930, 134 = AnnÉp 1933, 12; IDR III/2, 331; CODR, 310. [I]nvicto / deo Sera / pidi / Caesidius / Respectus / proc(urator) Aug(usti) n(ostri) / et Apronilla / eius 26 (Potaissa) Votive altar of limestone. Bibliography: CIL III, 881; CODR, 292. Isidi / et Serapi(di) / C(aius) Iul(ius) Ant / igonus 7(centurio) / leg(ionis) V M(acedonicae) p(iae) [c(onstantis)] / et Fl(avia) Apol / linaria / eius v(otum) l(ibentes) s(olverunt) REFERENCES ALVAR, J Marginalidad e integración en los cultos mistéricos, in GASCÓ, F. y ALVAR, J. (eds.), Heterodoxos, reformadores y marginados en la Antigüedad Clásica, Sevilla La Rábida, ALVAR, J La mujer y los cultos mistéricos: marginación e integración, Jornadas sobre roles sexuales: La mujer en la historia y la cultura, Madrid, de mayo de 1990, ARYS series, nº 5, ALVAR, J Los misterios. Religiones «orientales» en el Imperio Romano, Barcelona (English Edition in ALVAR, J. 2008, Romanising Oriental Gods. Myth, Salvation and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis and Mithras, in RGRW, 165, (Translation and edition by Richard Gordon), Leyden. BEARD, M., NORTH, J., PRICE, S Religions of Rome I A History, Cambridge. BELAYCHE, N Deae Suriae sacrum : la romanité des cultes orientaux ʺ, RH 302 (3), CARBÓ GARCÍA, J. R. 2010a. Los cultos orientales en la Dacia romana. Formas de difusión, integración y control social e ideológico, Salamanca.

269 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 269 CARBÓ GARCÍA, J. R. 2010b. Studying Roman cults of eastern origin in Dacia, EphNap. 20, CARBÓ GARCÍA, J.R. 2010c. La problématique de Sol Invictus. Le cas de la Dacie Romaine, Numen 57, CARBÓ GARCÍA, J.R. (forthcoming), I sogni orientali in Dacia. Sottomisione e dipendenza personale dalla divinità, Ephemeris Daco romana. DAVID, J The exclusion of women in the Mithraic mysteries: ancient or modern?, Numen, 47 (2), DUNAND, F Cultes égyptiens hors d Egypte. Nouvelles voies d approche et d interpretation, in PEREMANS, W. (ed.), Proceedings of the International Colloquium: Egypt and the Hellenistic World, Lovaina Mayo 1982, Louvain, GORDON, R Mithraism and Roman Society: Social Factors in the Explanation of Religious Change in the Roman Empire, Religion 2, GORDON, R Religion in the Roman Empire: the civic compromise and its limits, in BEARD, M. y NORTH, J. (eds.), Pagan Priests, London, HALSBERGHE, G.H. 1972). The Cult of Sol Invictus, Leyden. HEYOB, S.K The Cult of Isis among Women in the Graeco Roman World, Leyden. JUCAN, C Manifestări religioase ale femeilor din Dacia romană, in NEMETI, S., FODOREAN, F., NÉMETH, E., COCIŞ, S., NEMETI, I., PÂSLARU, M. (eds.), Dacia Felix. Studia Michaeli Bărbulescu oblata, Cluj Napoca, LOZANO, A Devoción religiosa y sumisión personal a la divinidad en las aldeas minorasiáticas lidio frigias, SHHA 25, MAYER, A Die Sprache der alten Illyrien I, Wien. MAZZA, M L intelletuale come ideologo: Flavio Filostrato ed uno Speculum principis del III secolo d.c., in BROWN, P., CRACCO RUGGINI, L. y MAZZA, M. (eds.), Governanti e intelletuali. Popolo di Roma e popolo di Dio (I VI secolo d.c.), Turin, MORA, F Prosopografia Isiaca: Prosopografia Storica e Statistica del culto Isiaco, (2 vols.), Leyden. PETOLESCU, C.C Auxilia Daciae. Contribuție la istoria militară a Daciei romane, Bucharest.

270 270 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA POPA, A Cultele egiptene şi microasiatice în Dacia romană, (Diss. Univ. Babeş Bolyai), Cluj Napoca. RUBIO, R Collegium dendrophorum: corporación profesional y cofradía metróaca, Gerión 11, SANIE, S Cultele orientale în Dacia romană. 1. Cultele siriene şi palmiriene, Bucharest. SCHÄFER, A The diffusion of religious belief in Roman Dacia: a casestudy of the gods of Asia Minor, in HANSON, W.S., HAYNES, I.P. (eds.), Roman Dacia. The making of a provincial society, Portsmouth Rhode Island, TURCAN, R The cults of the Roman Empire, Oxford.

271 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 271 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

272 272 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA

273 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 273

274 274 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA

275 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 275 Fig. 2. Rep 9 (National Mueum of History, Bucharest)

276 276 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA Fig. 3: Rep 10 (Sarmizegetusa Museum)

277 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 277 Fig. 4: Rep 11 (Sarmizegetusa Museum) Fig. 5: Rep 16 (Departamental Museum of Iron Gates, Turnu Severin)

278 278 JUAN RAMÓN CARBÓ GARCÍA Fig. 6: Rep 21 (Unirii Museum, Alba Iulia) Fig. 7: Rep 22 (Museum for History of Dacian and Roman Civilization, Deva)

279 Women and Oriental Cults in Roman Dacia 279 Fig. 8: Rep 24 (Museum for History of Dacian and Roman Civilization, Deva) Fig. 9: Rep 25 (Sarmizegetusa Museum)

280

281 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, QUALCHE CONSIDERAZIONE SUGLI OGGETTI DI LUSSO AD APULUM. A PROPOSITO DI UNA RECENTE MOSTRA E DEL SUO CATALOGO MAURIZIO BUORA 1 Keywords: Roman luxury objects, Roman Dacia, Apulum Abstract: The author realizes a critical discussion on a recent exhibition catalogue about luxury objects at Apulum. Rezumat: Autorul analizează critic un recent catalog de expoziție despre obiectele de lux de la Apulum. Il complesso archeologico di Apulum, con i suoi insediamenti militari e civili, abitato a partire dal 106 fino a circa il 270 d.c. è uno dei maggiori e più importanti della Romania. Ad esso è stato recentemente dedicato il bel volume Apulum, a cura di C. Gazdac,V. Suciu e A. Alföldi Gazdac, Cluji Napoca L importante posizione stragica, posta al controllo di più strade, la presenza nell area di un numeroso gruppo di persone abbienti di elevata condizione sociale e politica e non ultimo la ricchezza certo derivante dalla vicinanza alle miniere d oro dell Alburnus maior hanno favorito nel sito la presenza di beni di lusso. Il volume di cui qui ci occupiamo Lux, util şi estetic la Apulum. Podoabe şi accessorii vestimentare. Catalog e expoziție, a cura di G. Bounegru, R. Ciobanu, R. Ota, D, Anghel, Alba Iulia 2011 è il catalogo di una mostra dedicata appunto al lusso ad Apulum presso il museo di Alba Iulia (Romania). L intento del volume (e certo della mostra) è divulgativo e l esposizione fa seguito a importanti indagini archeologiche che sono state in parte oggetto di recenti e fondamentali pubblicazioni. Protagonisti e promotori di questa attività sono, tra gli altri, George Bounegru e Radu Ota, cui si devono molte delle più recenti indagini nella città antica. L opera ha dunque un suo primario e fondamentale valore divulgativo. La prima parte illustra, in varie lingue (rumeno, inglese e francese) il significato di lusso presso gli antichi. La mostra vera e propria 1 Società Friulana di Archeologia, Udine, e mail: mbuora@libero.it.

282 282 MAURIZIO BUORA si affida a 270 oggetti di metallo, di pietre semipreziose, di vetro etc. che dovrebbero illustrare la categoria del lusso ad Apulum. L argomento è particolarmente stimolante, considerata la ricchezza della zona e soprattutto il periodo ridotto dell occupazione romana. A tale proposito, però, sembra voler rinunciare a qualunque ulteriore precisazione la scelta spesso adottata di proporre una generica datazione al II III secolo per molti oggetti. Il catalogo ha una bella impaginazione e si giova di testi brevi e accurati, nonché di belle immagini. La scelta dei materiali è varia e forse non tutti gli oggetti possono rientrare in questa categoria, poiché molti sono semplicemente utilitaristici o funzionali (vedi le fibule o i militaria), ancorché per alcuni di essi l ornamentazione sia riconducibile a un concetto di dispendio e di volontà di esibizione, lusso, appunto. Ci soffermeremo su alcuni punti, a nostro parere meritevoli di approfondimento. Gemme antiche e moderne Nel catalogo sono pubblicate una trentina gemme. Quasi per tutte si propone una generica datazione al II III secolo, il che in qualche caso è troppo vago. Nelle gemme romane talora la lavorazione può trarre in inganno e suggerire una datazione bassa al III sec. d. C. È il caso del n. 141 con raffigurazione di dextrarum iunctio che mostra le due mani e soprattutto le spighe in forma quanto mai stilizzata e corsiva. Si tratta certo di un prodotto corrente privo di pretese, per quanto riguarda la datazione è molto interessante il confronto con una gemma su anello rinvenuta insieme con il corredo nella tomba a incinerazione n. 63 di Brigetio, ove la stessa raffigurazione, realizzata in uno stile simile, va invece datata alla prima metà del II sec. d. C. Il n. 152 (fig. 1) non raffigura Marte bensì Minerva 2. Lo dimostra la presenza di uno o due serpenti dell egida che sporgono in avanti sul 2 Sul motivo cfr. LIMC, II, p. 1077, n. 25 (diaspro rosso di età augustea a Monaco, per cui AGDI, 3, 15, n. 2182, tav. 189, però con egida resa diversamente).

283 Qualche considerazione sugli oggetti di lusso ad Apulum 283 busto. Gemme simili sono note fin dal I sec. d. C. a Pompei e sono presenti a Vienna, Monaco, Göttingen e Budapest. Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Il n. 156 (fig. 2) non rappresenta un antilope, bensì un capricorno noto simbolo augusteo qui posto sotto una pergola di vite. Si tratta dell ovvia allusione all età dell oro, al Saeculum Aureum, alla Felicitas, all Aeternitas e via dicendo, ovvero alla tematica propagandistica in larga parte creata nell età augustea. Dopo il revival adrianeo il tema del Novum aureum saeculum e gli altri della propaganda augustea vengono ripresi da Gallieno, che pone tra i suoi modelli proprio Augusto e Adriano 3. Dal tempo di Valeriano e Gallieno ricompare sulla monetazione, specialmente a Parion, il simbolo del capricorno 4, sia pure con iconografia diversa (fig. 3). 3 DE BLOIS 1976, Cfr. SNG von Aulock n AE 21. La legenda CGIHP sta per Colonia Gemella Iulia Hadriana Parium. La medesima iconografia fu adottata nella zecca provinciale della Misia a ridosso del mar di Marmara per Augusto, Nerone, Galba, Caracalla e infine Gallieno.

284 284 MAURIZIO BUORA Fig. 3 Le gemme postclassiche Una consistente parte delle gemme qui illustrate, precisamente venti (nn e ) appartiene alle vecchie collezioni del museo, formatesi nel XIX secolo. Un quarto di queste forma un piccolo gruppo di gemme moderne. Molto spesso, per ovvie ragioni, anche nei cataloghi di musei e specialmente in quelli meno recenti si sono insinuati prodotti all antica. Un filone di studi recenti permette ora di riconoscere alcuni di essi. Tra gli ultimi contributi si segnala per completezza e ampiezza di informazione il recente articolo di Gabriella Tassinari, che presenta anche gemme moderne simili a quelle di Apulum.

285 Qualche considerazione sugli oggetti di lusso ad Apulum 285 Fig. 4 Fig. 5 Fig. 6 Fig. 7 Tra queste il n. 148 (fig. 4) presenta una testa radiata, che in quanto tale appartiene al filone 10, gruppo A della Tassinari (cfr. fig. 6). Lo stesso si può dire per il n. 153 (fig. 5) il cui grande occhio, la resa del naso e delle labbra denunciano un gusto moderno (cfr. fig. 7). Intagli simili sono presenti su lapislazzuli 5 e su corniola 6. 5 Es. TASSINARI 2010, tav. LIV, f g. 6 Filone 12, gruppo C, della Tassinari, come ad es. tav. L, e (da Udine).

286 286 MAURIZIO BUORA Fig. 8 Fig. 9 La gemma n. 149 (fig. 8) raffigura Minerva e appartiene al così detto filone n. 4 individuato dalla studiosa, che comprende una ventina di gemme dai contorni non sempre ben definiti, prevalentemente con immagini di figure femminili (cfr. fig. 9). Per esse, disperse nelle collezioni di tutta Europa, si è ipotizzata una produzione nel XVI e XVII secolo nell area di Venezia o Padova. Anche la gemma n. 154 (fig. 10) pare appartenere a questo gruppo, filone 5, per la sua inconsueta iconografia e per la medesima scelta del materiale. Fig. 10

287 Qualche considerazione sugli oggetti di lusso ad Apulum 287 La presenza di queste gemme moderne getta luce su un altro aspetto del lusso di Alba Iulia, precisamente quello del periodo rinascimentale, in cui i legami con l Italia e in special modo con l Italia settentrionale, da dove proveniva la maggior parte di queste gemme furono molto intensi. Essi, illustrati più volte da Florina Ciure 7 potevano dipendere da più soggetti, come gli studenti che si recavano nelle università di Padova e di Bologna o gli ebrei che mettevano in relazione le attività commerciali delle due aree o gli eretici che fuggivano dall Italia o i numerosi architetti che dall Italia migrarono verso Alba Iulia e la Transilvania. Il palazzo principesco di Alba Iulia aveva carta da parati veneziana e aveva anche le immagini degli imperatori romani. Nel clima di raffinata cultura rinascimentale e di gusto italiano della classe dominante ben si comprendono insieme con il trionfo della musica e dei musicisti italiani anche l acquisto di opere d arte sul mercato di Venezia 8. Qui probabilmente potevano essere acquistate le gemme all antica che ancora si conservano nelle vecchie collezioni e di cui questo catalogo offre un piccolo, ma significativo campionario. Cornici di specchi in piombo Sono certamente ascrivibili a un gusto diffuso in tutto l impero romano, peraltro con possibili varianti locali e numerosi centri di produzione, due cornici di specchietti in piombo qui presentate (nn. 260 e 261). Una presenta indubbie affinità con una matrice da Partoş 9, dalle canabae legionis di Apulum, mentre l altra corrisponde quasi esattamente a un altra matrice, conservata al museo di Sebeş 10. Si tratta dunque di prodotti legati all area di produzione di Apulum. 7 Specialmente in CIURE CIURE 2007, p Per cui BǍLUȚǍ 1997, p. 568, tav. 1; BENEA 2007 a, p. 119; BENEA 2007 b, pp , fig. 4; BARATTA 2010, p. 126, fig Per cui BENGA 1998, p. 93, tav. II; BENEA 2007 a, p. 119; BENEA 2007b, pp , fig. 4; BARATTA 2010, p. 127, fig. 11.

288 288 MAURIZIO BUORA Di grande interesse il fatto che le due nuove cornici provengano da necropoli. Solo una, precisamente quella a destra in alto, era stata pubblicata con datazione alla seconda metà del II sec. d. C. Si arricchisce così una tematica ben nota, che è stata trattata più volte dagli studiosi rumeni, tra cui va ricordata specialmente Doina Benea, che anche a questo argomento ha dedicato più studi. Militaria. I vari tipi di cingulum dal II al III secolo Una delle parti più interessanti, ad avviso dello scrivente, del catalogo è la pubblicazione di una cinquantina di militaria, di cui una quarantina finora inediti. Ad Apulum, sede della legione XIII gemina, era da aspettarsi una messe abbondante. Un iscrizione su un rilievo cittadino dedicato a Soli invicto Mithrae, oggi scomparsa ma vista nel XVI secolo 11, menziona due conductores armamentarii, precisamente un Turranius Marcellinus e un Antonius Senecio iunior. L assenza del praenomen la fa datare agevolmente non prima della fine del II sec. d. C. In base a questo testo Doina Benea ipotizza che ad Apulum esistesse almeno nel III secolo un atelier militare centrale che assicurava le forniture per la truppa di stanza nella provincia, anche se la sua esistenza finora non è suffragata da rinvenimenti archeologici 12. Da altri il ruolo dei due personaggi è inteso come quello di due contrattisti, presumibilmente militari forse Turranius di origine italica che per breve tempo avrebbero assunto la responsabilità del deposito di armi posto nei principia e forse anche della fornitura ai soldati 13. In linea di massima sembra ragionevole supporre che anche ad Apulum, come in altri centri militari, almeno in parte la fabbricazione delle armi e degli elementi della divisa fosse predisposta in loco. Se questo è vero, forse una attenta analisi dei militaria potrebbe far scoprire qualche particolarità per così dire dacica, anche se apparentemente i militaria sembrano identici in tutto l impero romano, specialmente nelle zone ove 11 CIL III, BENEA Cfr. MÖCSY 1992, p. 118; CARBÒ GARCIA 2010, p. 159 e 736.

289 Qualche considerazione sugli oggetti di lusso ad Apulum 289 l esercito era maggiormente presente. È questo il compito che spetta agli attenti studiosi rumeni. Gli scavi effettuati negli ultimi decenni in tutta la Romania hanno fortemente incrementato il numero di questi oggetti. Ciò era già stato anticipato da Alexandra Diaconescu e Coriolan Opreanu ben venticinque anni fa 14. I rinvenimenti presentati nel catalogo provengono in minor parte dalle vecchie collezioni (nn., 175, 186,187, 192, 194, 196, 201, 204 e 208) o dai due centri civili di Municipium Septimium (nn. 171, 176, 178, 179, 180, 216 e 218) e Colonia Aurelia (174, , 193, 197, 206, ), ma specialmente da nuovi rinvenimenti (nn , 177, , 188, 195, 203, 205, e 220) e da aree di necropoli (nn. 185, 189, , 202, 207, 219, ). Diciamo subito che non tutti sembrano veri militaria. L applique n. 176 appartiene alle briglie per cavalcatura o animale da soma, non a una cintura, e pare databile all inizio del III sec. 15. Nel caso della decorazione di Apulum notiamo una esecuzione accurata. Si è spesso insistito sul cambiamento della moda militare alla fine del II secolo o in età severiana. Il catalogo permette di ordinare cronologicamente, nei limiti del possibile, i pezzi in almeno due grandi scansioni cronologiche, che comprendono rispettivamente il periodo dalle guerre marcomanniche all iniziale età severiana e gran parte del terzo secolo, dai Severi al momento dell abbandono della Dacia. Tra i pezzi della fine del II secolo va certo collocata un importante serie di appliques metalliche di uno stesso cingulum (fig. 11). Il n. 207, dunque, presenta in sette pezzi lo sviluppo completo della decorazione metallica. Ciò permette di attribuire allo stesso tipo di cingulum e quindi al medesimo periodo anche i nn. 186, 187, 194, 208 e DIACONESCU, OPREANU OLDENSTEIN 1976, n. 855.

290 290 MAURIZIO BUORA 1. Fig. 11 Fig. 12 Fig. 13 Fig. 14 La zona di Mušov, nella Repubblica ceca, ove si trovavano importanti resti e di una tomba principesca di un capo germanico e di un accampamento

291 Qualche considerazione sugli oggetti di lusso ad Apulum 291 romano stabilito nell ottavo decennio del II sec. d. C. offre un termine di confronto molto importante per la datazione, ma numerosi sono anche i paralleli dall area germanica. Da questa località proviene la terminazione di cingulum, in ferro, della fig. 12 che offre un sicuro terminus ad quem 16. La fibbia del cingulum della fig. 11 permette di datare allo stesso periodo anche le fibbie delle figg. 13 e 14. Una simile, rinvenuta nell ambito della villa rustica di Gârla Mare 17 è senz altro contemporanea e non è detto, come pure si è supposto, che sia oggetto di importazione. Fig. 15 Fig. 16 Il n. 181 (fig. 15) è probabilmente parte della chiusura del cingulum, come risulta da esemplari pressoché identici a Saalburg e Zugmantel 18 e Linz (fig. 16). Un altro esemplare da Lauriacum è stato datato dopo il 180 e ciò può valere anche per il pezzo da Apulum. 16 Cfr. KOMOROCZY DINULESCU OLDENSTEIN 1976, nn

292 292 MAURIZIO BUORA Le misure coincidono, ma si vede bene come i diversi pezzi siano, sia pure di poco, differenti. Fig. 17 Fig. 18 Fig. 19 Il tipo dell applique n. 189 (fig. 17) è estremamente comune dalla Germania alle Alpi e soprattutto lungo il Danubio. Un esemplare di Niederbieber 19 si data dal 180/190 fino all iniziale III sec d. C. Oltre che nei siti militari europei è presente anche a Dura Europos, il che ci dà una cornice cronologica sicura. Si nota bene la diversità locale della resa del modello, che ad Apulum viene semplificato nei dettagli e ridotto nella lavorazione a giorno. Esistono naturalmente altre numerose varianti, che intepretano a modo loro il motivo delle pelte affrontate. 19 OLDENSTEIN 1976, n. 954.

293 Qualche considerazione sugli oggetti di lusso ad Apulum 293 Fig.20 Fig. 21 La fibbia n. 210 (fig. 20) è ritenuta rara dall Oldenstein, che cita altri paralleli a Lauriacum, a Strasburgo e a Wiesbaden (fig. 21) per cui si può datare dalla fine del II sec. d. C. 20 Anche in questo caso le immagini rendono evidenti le differenze dell esemplare di Apulum. A partire dall età severiana i pezzi di Apulum permettono di avere un idea più chiara del così detto cingulum con fibbia circolare ( Ringschnallencingulum ) che è ben rappresentato dai rilievi funerari su cui si è soffermato ultimamente Jon Coulston 21. Questa moda sembra partire dall età severiana il primo rilievo si data all anno 211 e sembra durare fino all età tetrarchica. Se questo è vero i pezzi di Apulum si distribuiscono in un arco di poco più di due generazioni nel pieno III sec. 20 OLDENSTEIN 1976, nn e pp COULSTON 2007.

294 294 MAURIZIO BUORA Appartengono a questo tipo i militaria qui pubblicati con i nn. 203, 204, e L applique n. 204 (fig. 22) permette di apprezzare ancora una volta la differente esecuzione, ad es. sui bordi, rispetto ad altri esemplari di area altodanubiana, precisamente da Lauriacum (fig. 23). Fig. 22 Fig. 23 Nella serie dei pendenti delle cinghie appese al cingulum (dette pteryges) nn troviamo le forme da tempo note nei territori dell Europa centrale e settentrionale. Questi pendenti vanno ad aggiungersi ad altri editi dalla Romania (es. gli undici in OPREANU 1987) e appartengono ai due tipi distinti dall Oldenstein, per cui sembra confermata l ipotesi che entrambi siano stati pienamente diffusi nell esercito romano, ancorché il secondo tipo (n. 218) già ritenuto germanico, sembri percentualmente più ridotto. Un confronto, ancorché veloce, con l abbondante materiale pubblicato dall Europa continentale permette di offrire qualche contributo

295 Qualche considerazione sugli oggetti di lusso ad Apulum 295 a una migliore definizione di alcuni pezzi o alla precisazione della loro datazione. Il presunto pendente n. 171 (fig. 24) trova due paralleli del tutto calzanti a Pfünz e a Zugmantel 22 (figg ) da cui ricaviamo la forma completa di questo Fig. 24 Fig. 25 Fig. 26 elemento, probabile decorazione del cingulum che in area germanica pare databile alla fine del III sec. Un altro oggetto del catalogo non apparterrebbe al cingulum, ma al balteus, stando almeno alla ricostruzione dell Oldenstein. Si tratta della 22 OLDENSTEIN 1976, nn

296 296 MAURIZIO BUORA Fig. 27 Fig. 28

297 Qualche considerazione sugli oggetti di lusso ad Apulum 297 Fig. 29 riproduzione di una lancia dei beneficiarii consulares (n. 172, qui fig. 27), argomento su cui si sono soffermati prima la Eibl nel 1994 e poi Ubl nel 2001, il quale ha evidenziato nove esemplari provenienti forse da un unica fabrica. Esso ha un confronto preciso con un rinvenimento bavarese nel castellum di Buch (costruito in base alla dendrocronologia tra 161 e 169 e distrutto dagli Alamanni dopo la metà del III sec.) (fi. 28) il che autorizza a restringerne l uso nell arco di un secolo. Da notare la diversità rispetto all altro esemplare rumeno (di identiche dimensioni) rinvenuto al di fuori dell ambito della provincia proveniente da Matasaru, in Valacchia 23. Come si ipotizza per altri rinvenimenti 24, anche quello di Apulum potrebbe essere stato il contrassegno di un beneficiario al servizio 23 Molto simile a uno da Zugmantel, tanto da far pensare che il portatore fosse originario di quella località. 24 UBL 2001, p. 390.

298 298 MAURIZIO BUORA del governatore della provincia qui residente. Ripetitivo insistere sulle differenze rispetto agli esemplari del limes retico, che possono derivare dalla produzione locale in un officina militare dacica. * * * Molte altre minori osservazioni potrebbero essere fatte, ma sarebbe pura pedanteria. Nel complesso si tratta di una bella opera, utile non solo ai profani, ma anche agli specialisti. Di ciò va dato pieno merito ai curatori e ai collaboratori. Il catalogo testimonia il positivo momento e la grande vitalità degli studi sulla cultura materiale dell antichità in Romani. BIBLIOGRAFIA BǍLUȚǍ, C. L Tipar trivalv pentru oglinzi cu rama din plumb descoperit la Apulum, AMN 34,1, BARATTA, G Speculorum forma. Un singolare rinvenimento a Vrbs Salvia, Mare internum 2, BENEA, D., 2007a. Die Bleiverarbeitung in der Römischen Provinz Dakien, Bibliotheca Historica et Archaeologica Universitatis Timisiensis 8, 2007, BENEA, D., 2007b. Officinae plumbariae in provincia Dacia (= Unele aspecte privind prelucrarea plumbului in provincia Dacia. Atelierele), Bibliotheca Historica et Archaeologica Universitatis Timisiensis 8, BENEA, D Ateliere militare in Dacia Romana ( ), Bibliotheca Historica et Archaeologica Universitatis Timisiensis 9, BENGA, M. S Un tipar inedit ilustrând turnarea ramelor de oglinzi pastrat in colectiile Museului din Sebeş, Buletinul Cercurilur Ştiințifice Studențesți arheologie istorie muzeologie 9, CARBÓ GARCIA, J. R Los cultos orientales en la Dacia Romana. Formas de difusión, integración y control social e ideológico, Salamanca. CIURE, F Interferenze culturali veneto transilvane nel Cinque Seicento, Crisia 27, COULSTON, J Art, culture and service: the depiction of soldiers on funerary monuments on the 3rd century AD military gravestones, in DE BLOIS,

299 Qualche considerazione sugli oggetti di lusso ad Apulum 299 L., GIEBEN, J. C. (edd), Impact of the Roman army (200 BC AD 476): economic, social, Leiden, DE BLOIS, L The policy of the Emperor Gallienus, Leiden. DIACONESCU, A., OPREANU, C A note on Roman military equipment from Romania, in DAWSON, M. (ed.), Roman Military Equipment. The Accoutrement of war, Proceedings of Third Roman Military Equipment Research Seminar, Oxford, DINULESCU, P Piese de echipament descoperite în villa rustica de la Gârla Mare, Bibliotheca Historica et Archaeologica Universitatis Timisiensis 7, EIBL, K Gibt es eine spezifische Ausrüstung der Beneficiarier?, in Der römische Weihbezirk von osterburken II. Kolloquium 1990 und paläobotanischeosteologische Untersuchungen, Stuttgart, GSCHWIND, M Pferdegeschirrbeschläge der zweiten Hälfte des 3. Jahrhunderts aus Abusina/Einig, Saalb. Jahrb.,49, GUDEA, N Despre fibule romane cu corpul in formǎ de svasticǎ sį capetele brațelor in formǎ de cap de cal, in Studia Historica et Archaeologica in Honorem Magistrae Doina Benea, Timisoara, KOMOROCZY, B Ein bemerkswerter Eisenfund im Areal der römischen Anlage am Burgstall bei Mušov (Bez. Břeclav, Südmaren), in Das mitteleuropaische Barbaricum und die Krise des römischen Weltreiches im 3. Jahrhundert, Brno, MÓCSY, A Pannonien und das römische Heer, Stuttgart. OLDENSTEIN, J Zur Ausrüstung römischer Auxiliareinheiten. Studien zu Beschlägen und Zierat an der Ausrüstung der römischen Auxiliareinheiten des obergermanisch raetischen Limesgebietes aus dem zweitem und dritten Jahrhundert n. Chr., Bericht der Römisch Germanischen Kommission 57, TASSINARI, G Alcune considerazioni sulla glittica post antica: la cosiddetta produzione dei lapislazzuli, Rivista di archeologia 34, tavv. I LIV. UBL, H. J Gedanken zu einem Benefiziarieabzeichen aus Lauriacum, in Carinthia romana und die römischen Welt. Festschrift f. Gernot Piccottini zum 60. Geburtstag, Klagenfurt,

300 300 MAURIZIO BUORA UBL, H Ein Ringschnallencingulum aus Lauriacum, in BUORA, M. (ed.), Miles Romanus. Dal Po al Danubio nel Tardoantico, Atti del convegno internazionale, Pordenone Concordia Sagittaria marzo 2000, Pordenone,

301 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, TRUTH OR ELOQUENCE IN THE WORKS OF LATIN CHRISTIAN WRITERS OF 2 ND 3 RD CENTURIES? * TINCUȚA CLOŞCĂ 1 Keywords: rhetorical art, truth, eloquence, Tertullian, Arnobius, Cyprian, Minucius Felix, Lactantius Abstract: To the bloody persecutions applied by the Roman Empire to the Christians were added to the attacks the Christians had to take from the representatives of the contemporary culture and especially from the sophist oratory. This cultural offensive led to a new issue, that is, the way in which the religious truths (acquired by reading, studying and understanding the Bible) were supposed to be revealed. Therefore, the Christian writers tried to state some theories and paradigms, regarding the way the truths of faith should be revealed to an audience, educated not only according to the standards and the norms of the Greek education, but also in a corrupt way, according to the speeches of profan orators. This is why, we intend to emphasize the attitude of the Latin Fathers of the Church from the 2 nd and 3 rd centuries towards the rhetorical tradion. Rezumat: Sângeroaselor persecuții suferite de creştini din partea statului roman, se adăugau atacurile pe care aceştia le primeau din partea reprezentanților culturii contemporane şi îndeosebi din partea retoricii sofiste. Această ofensiva culturală a dus la apariția unei noi probleme, şi anume a modului în care trebuie făcute cunoscute, transmise, expuse adevărurile de credință dobândite prin citirea, studierea şi înțelegerea Bibliei. De aceea, scriitorii creştini au încercat să formuleze unele teorii şi paradigme cu privire la modul în care trebuie exprimate adevărurile de credință unui public educat nu numai după standardele şi normele educației greceşti, dar şi corupt în mod divers prin discursurile oratorilor profani. Prin acest studiu voi încerca să evidențiez atitudinea Părinților latini ai Bisericii din secolele II III față de tradiția oratorică. Carefully examining some literary forms of Late Antiquity period, it was observed that they were based mainly on ideal and on the practice of rhetoric. Therefore, the researchers concerned with the study of rhetoric 1 Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iaşi, ankutza_06@yahoo.com.

302 302 TINCUȚA CLOŞCĂ in the period under discussion have approached the problem of the origins of Christian oratory 2, the relationship between Christian education and pagan instruction, which was reflected in their writings 3, the influence of the second kind of sophist thinking 4, on oratorical style of Greek and Latin Fathers of the Church (for example, Basil of Caesarea 5, Gregory of Nyssa 6, John Chrysostom 7, etc.), the relationship between rhetoric and Christian faith 8, the acquisition of oratorical art by some of the Greek and Latin Fathers of the Church (for example, Philo of Alexandria 9, Gregory of Nazianzus 10, Ambrosius of Mediolanum 11, Hieronymus 12, Athanasius of Alexandria 13, John Chrysostom 14 etc.), the * This work was supported by the the European Social Fund in Romania, under the responsibility of the Managing Authority for the Sectoral Operational Programme for Human Resources Development [grant POSDRU/88/1.5/S/47646]. 2 VICASTILLO 2004, LUGARESI 2004, ; BLÁSQUEZ 2001, ; RUBERSON 2000, ; MILLAR 1946; JAEGER 1961; SADDINGTON 1965, ; KASTER ANDERSON 1993; WHITMARSH CAMPBELL MÉRIDIER AMERINGER KENNEDY 1972, ; KENNEDY 1980, ; KENNEDY 1983, ; KENNEDY 1989, ; KENNEDY 1994, ; QUACQUARELLI 1956; QUACQUARELLI 1960; QUACQUARELLI 1971; QUACQUARELLI 1982; QUACQUARELLI 1988, ; CLARKE 1953, ; MUSURILLO 1957, ; MAGUIRE 1981, 9 21; WILSON 1983, 8 12; AUXENTIOS 1989, 45 58; TREU 1992, ; AUSKI 1995, ; STAMPS 1997, ; KINZIG 1997, ; SATTERTHWAITE 1997, ; PERVO 1997, ; MOHRMANN 1955, ; FONTAINE 1968; WILDER 1964; KUSTAS 1973; CAMERON 1991, CONLEY 1997, GUIGNAT 1911; RUETHER 1969; CASTELLI 2002, ; BØRTNES, HÄGG PIZZOLATO 1991, 57 71; GRAUMANN 1997, ; CORALUPPI CLAUSI STEAD 1976, QUIROGA PUERTAS 2007; PAPAGEORGIOU 1998, ; FRENCH 1998, ; CARTER 1958, ; MAAT 1944; BURNS 1930; WILKEN 1983; RYLAARSDAM 2000; HUBBELL 1924, ; ALISSANDRATOS 1980, ; SKIMINA 1927; SIMONETTI 1953, ; ZITNIK 1947; ASENSIO 1977, ; ASENSIO 1981, ; CIOFFI 1978, 3 45; FAIRWEATHER 1994, 1 38, ; THURÉN 2001,

303 Truth or Eloquence in the Works of Latin Christian Writers 303 discourse as a means of preaching 15 etc. Less studied has been the attitude of Christian writers towards the pagan oratorical art. Therefore, here we intend to highlight the way in which Latin Christian writers of the second and third centuries expressed the truths of faith to an audience educated not only by Greek standards and regulations, but also variously corrupted by the discourses of pagan speakers. As it is well known, to those bloody persecutions suffered by Christians because of the Roman rule, one can add the attacks they received from the representatives of contemporary culture and especially from the sophist rhetoricians. The rhetoricians like Aelius Aristides, Fronto, Galenus the physician, Celsus, Porphyr, Julian the Apostate, Libanius, Symmachus and others fiercely attacked the writings of the new faith, through which the Christians defended and supported the superiority of their religion. Those rhetoricians disregarded the Christian writers for the simplicity and lack of artistic elegance present in their expression of the truths of faith, and also for the fact that their works did not meet the rules of what generally was considered to be an elegant style. This cultural attack led to a new problem, namely how to disclose, spread, and display the truths of faith acquired through reading, studying and understanding the Bible. This attitude, closely linked to the general attitude towards the classical culture and pagan education 16, was complex and contradictory. Starting with Paul the Apostle, all means and methods of the classical oratorical tradition have been removed as harmful. Although Christianity arose and developed in the Greco Roman world, where a thorough knowledge of the rules of classical rhetoric was an evidence of good education, Paul, relying only on the truth of the Christian message, considered that training in oratorical art was pointless 17. However, he admits that the Christian preacher can use the methods and means of 15 WHITBY 1998; LENSKI, CAIN COCHRANE 1957; HAGENDAHL 1958; SEVCENKO 1980, 53 73; LAISTNER 1951; PELLEGRINO 1947; LEMERLE 1986; SIMONETTI 1985, COR., 11, 6; 1 COR., 1, 17; 1 COR. 2, 1 5; 1 COR., 2, 13; 1 COR. 2, 1 5.

304 304 TINCUȚA CLOŞCĂ classical rhetoric only in cases of public debates with pagan intellectuals 18. So, being a keen observer of the pagan culture, which he appropriated quite well and knowing the danger of a discussion with pagan intellectuals, so versed in philosophy and in the technique of dispute 19, Paul wrote to Colossians: ʺAnd your words should always be with grace, as if seasoned with salt, and be aware how it is appropriate for you to answer each manʺ20 (Col., 4, 6). In the Latin space, the flourishing of rhetoric in Late Antiquity, along with the union between the philosopher and the rhetorician in Cicero s person, who was considered to be ʺthe first Latin philosopherʺ, and with the Latin apologists training in the art of rhetoric, had as result for the Latin Christian writers from the second and third centuries the fusion between philosophy and rhetoric, and also accusing philosophy with some defects specific to the eloquence of the second kind of sophist thinking, which was able to show some lies as being the truth 21. Ancient philosophy was always concerned with the search for truth. For the Christian belief, Jesus is the truth itself and He brings the truth to humanity 22, so that now there is nothing to search for, and the need for philosophy disappeared. What it remains to be done by the Christian preacher is to explain as much as possible and in a rational way, and especially to defend ʺthe truths of divine revelationʺ from all those who attack them 23. In this respect, Tertullian (ca. 160 ca. 230) argued that along with Christ s coming in the world, all philosophical praises of the truth have lost their meaning. The truth had come into the world. The language of truth was simple, therefore it did not need any clarification 24. Establishing the truth as the goal of Christian oratory 25, in his famous work, Apologeticum, Tertullian opposed false eloquence, based on illusion 18 FLORESCU 1973, FLORESCU 1973, COL., 4, BÎCICOV 1984, IN, BÎCICOV 1984, BÎCICOV 1984, SATTERTHWAIT 1997, 688.

305 Truth or Eloquence in the Works of Latin Christian Writers 305 and oratorical skill, to true eloquence, used by Christians, for which the truth is its ground and foundation 26. In another book, Adversus Valentinianos, Tertullian accused the Gnostics for using an ambiguous language that allowed them per ambiguitates bilingues communem fidem adfirmant 27. Because of their ability, they managed to convince the Christians even before exposing them the details of their teachings. But, adds Tertullian, veritas autem docendo persuadet, non suadendo docet 28. Also in De anima, he criticized those rhetoricians who possessed that facility of language which is practised in the building up and pulling down of everything, and which has greater aptitude for persuading men by speaking than by teaching 29. From the examples above, one can say that the Latin philosopher opposed the eloquence based on what is credible, which uses illusion and artifice to convince its audience, to philosophical eloquence, founded on the truth which it must transmit 30. Tertullian argued that the art of Christian oratory, whose objective is to preach the truth, must be complemented by an aesthetic that corresponds to this goal: brevity and clarity. In spite of their brief content, three texts are important in supporting this fact. Thus, in Adversus Marcionem, the latin apologist says: Sed expedita virtus veritatis paucis amat. Multa mendacio erunt necessaria 31. In De anima, opposing belief and learning to enjoyment, Tertullian said that in the few words there always arises certainty to him; nor is he permitted to give his inquiries a wider range than is compatible with their solution 32, and in De virginibus velandis: naturaliter compedium sermonis et gratum et necessarium est, quaniam sermo laciniosus et onerosus et vanus est 33. It should be noted that Tertullianʹs 26 TERT., Apol., 46: Who will venture to undertake our refutation; not with skill of words, but, as we have managed our demonstration, on the basis of reality?(ccel 3, 100; PL 1, col. 501). 27 TERT., Adv. Val., 1, 4 (CCSL 2, 753). 28 TERT., Adv. Val., 1, 4 (CCSL 2, 753). 29 TERT., Anim., 2 (CCEL 3, 380). 30 FREDOUILLE 1972, TERT., Adv. Marc., 2, 29 (SC 368, ). 32 TERT., Anim., 2, 7 (CCEL 3, 382). 33 TERT., Virg. vel., 4, 4 (SC 424, 142).

306 306 TINCUȚA CLOŞCĂ attitude towards the oratorical style has undoubtedly two convergent sources. On the one hand, we know that Tertullian could not ignore Scripture s many warnings against babble and unnecessary digressions, especially the first verse of the first Epistle to Timothy 34, and on the other hand, the fact that, starting with Zenon, brevitas was one of the advantages of oratorical speech, highly appreciated by Cicero, Seneca, Tacitus and Marcus Aurelius 35. Contemporary with Tertullian, also originally from Africa, Minucius Felix (second and third centuries) was a known Roman lawyer, author of the famous writing Octavius. After converting to Christianity, he condemned his previous activity as rhetorician, because he realized that its essence, and especially its aesthetic appearance, contradicts the simplicity of Christian doctrine. In his opinion, the power of eloquence is not used to defense the truth, but to support lies and deception. Thus, to minimize the accusations brought by Caecilius speech against Christians, after the speech Minucius Felixʹs notes that for the most part the condition of truth should be changed according to the powers of discussion, and even the faculty of perspicuous eloquence. This is very well known to occur by reason of the facility of the hearers, who, being distracted by the allurement of words from attention to things, assent without distinction to everything that is said, and do not separate falsehood from truth; unaware that even in that which is incredible there is often truth, and in verisimilitude falsehood 36. Hence, knowing the power of aesthetic influence of a well constructed speech, because of gnosiological reasons he adopted a critical attitude towards the eloquence used quite often in that period against Christians and their teachings. In the same dispute with Octavius, Minucius Felix also mentioned that it happened that truth seemed quite confused, while a skillful discourse often assumes the appearance of a valid evidence. Therefore, he believed, it was necessary that everything should be carefully deliberated, as carefully as possible to weigh each particular, that we may, while 34 I TIM., 1, FREDOUILLE 1972, MIN., Oct., 14 (CCEL 4, 416; PL 3, col. 276).

307 Truth or Eloquence in the Works of Latin Christian Writers 307 ready to applaud acuteness, yet elect, approve, and adopt those things which are right 37. But to highlight the truth helps particularly the simple speech, for proof it is not hidden in it, under the cover of beautiful speech figures, but is presented in its natural form and derived from the truth itself: even the more unskilled the discourse, the more evident the reasoning, since it is not coloured by the pomp of eloquence and grace; but as it is, it is sustained by the rule of right 38. The same position is also followed by Cyprian of Carthage (c ). In the Epistle to Donatus, he stated that his works are not written in a special and refined style, for his skill in the oratorical art is quite modest and cannot touch its heights by its wealth, nor by the beauty of expression: In courts of justice, in the public assembly, in political debate, a copious eloquence may be the glory of a voluble ambition; but in speaking of the Lord God, a chaste simplicity of expression strives for the conviction of faith rather with the substance, than with the powers, of eloquence. Therefore accept from me things, not clever but weighty, words, not decked up to charm a popular audience with cultivated rhetoric, but simple and fitted by their unvarnished truthfulness for the proclamation of the divine mercy 39. Arnobius (ca. 235 ca 310), also, being deeply convinced that truth needs no artifice specific to classical oratorical art, tried to defend the Scripture s simple form and developed a whole theory against pagan rhetorical aesthetics 40. He also used all his oratorical talent to demonstrate the superiority of simple and raw language of Christian texts over the elegant speech of Pagan orators and philosophers 41. In his speech, in which he supported the early Christian religious utilitarianism against the rhetorical aestheticism of late antique culture, Arnobius has made reference to Socrates, who opposed those speakers who used lots of 37 MIN., Oct., 14 (CCEL 4, 416; PL 3, col. 278). 38 MIN., Oct., 16 (CCEL 4, 419; PL 3, col. 283). 39 CYPR., Donat., 2 (CCEL 5, 688; PL 4, col ) 40 MOHRMANN 1965, BÎCICOV 1984,

308 308 TINCUȚA CLOŞCĂ technical means of speech, seeking to impress their audience by playing with ideas and words 42. The causes of this hostile attitude towards the pagan oratorical art are clear. Some representatives of pagan culture, especially the sophists, accused the Church Fathers that their works were written in an illiterate style, in a rough and primitive language and the lack of truth in their writings 43. Thus Lactantius (c ) described the situation of the first Christian centuries in his writing Divinae institutiones: the prophets wrote in a popular and simple style, hence the hostility of intellectuals and scholars towards their texts. Everything written in a simple style was considered inferior and insignificant. It was recognized as truth only what one liked to hear. They were not interested in truth itself, but in its embellishments. They did not accept the divine mysteries, as they were considered to be deprived of such embellishments 44. Therefore, Lactantius thought to be possible and appropriate to give up the theory of his predecessors, namely the aesthetic asceticism, and he tried not only to put the eloquence in the service of Christian gnosiology, but he even emphasized the importance of the oratorical art in spreading the Gospel message. Giving up the formal logical thinking, Lactantius sought to replace it with images and figures of speech that could act directly on the affective side of consciousness, but not on 42 POPESCU 1944, BÎCICOV 1984, LACT., Inst., 5, 1: For this is especially the cause why, with the wise and the learned, and the princes of this world, the sacred Scriptures are without credit, because the prophets spoke in common and simple language, as though they spoke to the people. And therefore they are despised by those who are willing to hear or read nothing except that which is polished and eloquent; nor is anything able to remain fixed in their minds, except that which charms their ears by a more soothing sound. But those things which appear humble are considered anile, foolish, and common. So entirely do they regard nothing as true, except that which is pleasant to the ear; nothing as credible, except that which can excite pleasure: no one estimates a subject by its truth, but by its embellishment. Therefore they do not believe the sacred writings, because they are without any pretence; but they do not even believe those who explain them, because they also are either altogether ignorant, or at any rate possessed of little learning. For it very rarely happens that they are wholly eloquent; and the cause of this is evident (CCEL 7, ; PL 6, col ).

309 Truth or Eloquence in the Works of Latin Christian Writers 309 rationality 45. In the first lines of his work Divinae Institutiones, Lactantius stated that the ultimate truth is not accessible to sensorial or rational knowledge, therefore all efforts of philosophers were in vain 46 and that the truth still lies hidden in obscurity 47. Although philosophers have distinguished themselves through their teaching, Lactantius argued that they did not know the truth, because no one can attain to by reflection or disputation 48. Further, showing the objectives and methodology of his work, Lactantius expressed his intention to use for his goals the achievements of the pagan scholars, both philosophers and rhetoricians. He valued more the first ones, because those who teach you to live well are to be praised more than those who teach you to speak well. Therefore, for Greeks the philosophers had greater glory than the rhetoricians, because the art of speaking well concerns only some people, while to live well is important for all of us 49. Although this art of the chosen ones, which Lactantius, like all other rhetoricians, often used before to support a lie, he now considered necessary to use it only in defense of truth 50. Although the truth may be defended without eloquence, it is known that splendor and elegance of speech decorate and in some way contribute to its presentation, because apparently rich and beautiful speech engrave easier on the human mind 51. Truth can be more 45 BÎCICOV 1984, LACT., Inst., 1, 1 (CCEL 7, 14; PL 6, col. 117) 47 LACT., Inst., 3, 1 (CCEL 7, 145; PL 6, col. 347). 48 LACT., Inst., 3, 1 (CCEL 7, 146; PL 6, col. 349). 49 LACT., Inst., 1, 1: on which account the philosophers were in greater glory among the Greeks than the orators. For they, the philosophers, were considered teachers of right living, which is far more excellent, since to speak well belongs only to a few, but to live well belongs to all (CCEL 7, 15; PL 6, col ). 50 LACT., Inst., 1, 1 (CCEL 7, 15; PL 6, col ). 51 LACT., Inst., 1, 1: for although the truth may be defended without eloquence, as it often has been defended by many, yet it needs to be explained, and in a measure discussed, with distinctness and elegance of speech, in order that it may flow with greater power into the minds of men, being both provided with its own force, and adorned with the brilliancy of speech (CCEL 7, 15; PL 6, col ).

310 310 TINCUȚA CLOŞCĂ appreciated when decorated with beautiful figures of speech 52. Lactantius has shown how the principles of classical oratorical art can be used to support the new faith and the need of their use. He has said it clearly, thus recognizing the profane merit of oratory: Yet that practice in fictitious suits has been of great advantage to us, so that we are now able to plead the cause of truth with greater copiousness and ability of speaking 53. Developing the ideas presented above about eloquence, Lactantius wrote that he wished to have the gift of eloquence like Cicero s. His wish had two reasons: first of all, people enjoy the truth faster if it uses the artifices of oratorical art, with which lie is seducing them, and then the philosophers themselves might be overpowered by us, most of all by their own arms 54. Yet, he remembers the ideas of his Latin predecessors, being fully convinced that God has willed this to be the nature of the case, that simple and undisguised truth should be more clear, because it has sufficient ornament of itself, and on this account it is corrupted when embellished with adornings from without, but that falsehood should please by means of a splendour not its own, because being corrupt of itself it vanishes and melts away, unless it is set off and polished with decoration sought from another source 55. Therefore, Lactantius is calming himself, saying that he will limit himself to his modest gift, better trusting the truth itself rather than his own eloquence LACT., Inst., 5, 1, 14: Only let the cup be anointed with the heavenly honey of wisdom, that the bitter remedies may be drunk by them unawares, without any annoyance, whilst the first sweetness of taste by its allurement conceals, under the cover915 of pleasantness, the bitterness of the harsh flavour (CCEL 7, 299; PL 6, col. 549). 53 LACT., Inst., 1, 1 (CCEL 7, 15; PL 6, col ). 54 LACT., Inst., 3, 1, 2: And I could wish that this were so, for two reasons: either that men might more readily believe the truth when adorned with embellishments, since they even believe falsehood, being captivated by the adornment of speech and the enticement of words; or, at all events, that the philosophers themselves might be overpowered by us, most of all by their own arms, in which they are accustomed to pride themselves and to place confidence (CCEL 7, 145; PL 6, col. 347). 55 Lact., Inst., 3, 1 (CCEL 7, 145; PL 6, col. 347). 56 Lact., Inst., 3, 1: I bear it with equanimity that a moderate degree of talent has been granted to me. But it is not in reliance upon eloquence, but upon the truth, that I have undertaken this work, a work, perhaps, too great to be sustained by my strength; which,

311 Truth or Eloquence in the Works of Latin Christian Writers 311 In conclusion we can say that Latin Christian writers before Lactantius have been hostile to any attention towards language and style, as they have realized that, on the one hand, expressions and style of profane oratory were in contradiction with the simplicity of Christian truth and that, on the other hand, the power of eloquence did not manifest to defense the truth, but to justify lies and deception. Admiring the style of the writings of the Old and New Testament, they argued exposing the truth of faith in a stylish and simple way. Also, not being impressed with the magniloquent style and preferring fewer but more expressive words, they strongly indicated that the Christian message must follow veritas, not eloquentia. For them, to respect this truth in all its simplicity may give the Christian message the force of persuasion. Only later, Lactantius proclaimed the benefit of oratorical art for the Christian orator, which by this time had a new content: the preaching of Christian truth. Lactantius new interpretation on profane oratorical art should be naturally preceded by a period of denial, as an important component of Latin and Greek classical tradition. 1. Editions of ancient authors REFERENCES CYPRIAN, To Donatus, translated by Ernest Wallis, Ante Nicene Fathers, 5, edited by Alexander Roberts & James Donaldson, revised and chronologically arranged, with brief prefaces and occasional notes, by A. Cleveland Coxe, Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library (CCEL 5). LACTANTIUS, The Divine Institutes, translated by William Fletcher, in Ante Nicene Fathers, 7, translated by Alexander Roberts, edited by James Donaldson, Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library (CCEL 7). however, even if I should fail, the truth itself will complete, with the assistance of God, whose office this is (CCEL 7, 145; PL 6, col. 347).

312 312 TINCUȚA CLOŞCĂ MINUCIUS FELIX, The Octavius, translated by the Robert Ernest Wallis, in Ante Nicene Fathers, 4, chronologically arranged, with brief notes and prefaces by A. Cleveland Coxe, Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library (CCEL 4). TERTULLIAN, Apologety, translated by S. Thelwall, in Ante Nicene Fathers, 3, edited by Allan Menzies, Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library (CCEL 3). TERTULLIAN, A Treatise on the Soul, translated by Peter Holmes, in Ante Nicene Fathers, 3, edited by Allan Menzies, Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library (CCEL 3). TERTULIAN, Contre Marcion, livre II, texte critique, traduction et notes par R. Braun, Paris, 1991 ( SC 368). TERTULIAN, Le voile des vierges (De virginibus velandis), introduction et commentaire par E. Schulz Flügel, adaptés par P. Mattei, texte critique par E. Schulz Flügel, traduction par P. Mattei, Paris, 1997 (SC 424). 2. Modern works ALISSANDRATOS, J The Structure of the Funeral Oration in John Chrysostomʹs Eulogy of Meletius, Byzantine Studies 7, AMERINGER, T. E The Stylistic Influence of the Second Sophistic on the Panegyrical Sermons of St. John Chrysostom, Washington. ANDERSON, G The Second Sophistic: A Cultural Phenomenon in the Roman Empire, London New York. ASENSIO, F Salmo 4. Perspectivas de la oración en la exégesis del Crisóstomo, Estudios Bíblicos 36, ASENSIO, F Encuentro de la oración del salmista con la cristiana en la visión del Crisóstomo, Estudios Bíblicos 39, AUSKI, P Christian Plain Style: The Evolution of a Spiritual Ideal, Montreal, AUXENTIOS, H The Notion of Rhetoric in the Eastern Orthodox Patristic Tradition, Greek Orthodox Theological Review 34,

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319 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, NOTES ON THE AFRICAN RED SLIP WARE CERAMICS IN SCYTHIA MINOR MARIAN MOCANU 1 Keywords: Trade, North Africa, Scythia Minor, Tableware Abstract: In the following, we shall focus on the tableware ceramic produced in the workshops located within the contemporary Tunisia and which was traded up to Danube. This article aims to show the results of archaeological research undertaken in the last decades in the Roman sites from Dobrogea, Romania. In our work to make the inventory of the forms of the African Red Slip Ware tableware, discovered in Scythia Minor, we identified 20 forms, some of which, especially those from the 5 th and the 6 th century, were found in many variants. The earliest one is the Hayes form 27 from the second half of the 2 nd century, and the latest one is the Hayes form 105, dated in the first half of the 7 th century. Following the discoveries of tableware imported from the North Africa to Scythia Minor, but also taking into account other functional types of ceramic, this topic offers a general image of the commercial trade between the two geographical areas under analysis. Therefore, based on the inventory of African Red Slip Ware ceramic, we can establish that the commercial changes begun in the second half of the 2 nd century and lasted for at least five centuries, until the first part of the 7 th century. The commercial activity was more intense in the late Roman period. Rezumat: În celece urmează ne vom îndreptă atenția asupra ceramicii de masă produsă în atelierele din Tunisia zilelor noastre şi ajunsă pe calea comerțului până la gurile Dunării. Acest articol are ca scop valorificarea rezultatelor cercetărilor arheologice întreprinse în ultumele decenii în siturile romane din Dobrogea. În demersul nostru de a repertoria formele veselei African Red Slip Ware, descoperită în Scythia Minor, am identificat 20 de forme, unele dintre acestea, în special cele datate în sec. V VI, fiind prezente prin mai multe variante. Cea mai timpurie dintre acestea este forma Hayes 27 din a doua jumătate a secolului al II lea, iar cea mai târzie este forma Hayes 105, databilă în prima jumătate a secolului al VII lea. Urmărind descoperirile veselei de masă importată din Africa de Nord, în Scythia Minor, dar şi a altor categorii funcționale de vase ceramice, se poate contura o imagine a scimburilor comerciale dintre cele două regiuni geografice. Putem afirma, pe baza repertoriului formelor ceramicii The text of this article was translated by Adina Munteanu. 1 Institute of Eco Museal Researches, Tulcea, marian1054@yahoo.com.

320 320 MARIAN MOCANU African Red Slip Ware, ca aceste schimburi au existat încă din a doua jumătate a secolului al II lea şi s au întins pe o perioadă de aproape cinci secole, până în prima parte a secolului al VII lea, activitatea comercială fiind mai intensă în perioada romană târzie. INTRODUCTION The economic relations of Scythia Minor with the rest of the Roman Empire reflect, among other, through the trades of different categories of products. In what follows, we will focus our attention on the tableware produced in the workshops of present day Tunisia and brought by means of commerce up to the river Danube. The purpose of this article is to account for the results of the archaeological excavations conducted in the past few decades in the roman sites in Dobrogea. From the very beginning it is essential to underline that the information used in this article has been provided by the archaeological excavations which beneficiated from the publishing of the material. To our knowledge so far there have not yet been published any studies particularly dedicated to the African Red Slip Ware discovered on the territory of roman Dobrogea 2, this category being only punctually mentioned in the monographs of some archaeological sites such as Halmyris 3 or Capidava 4, to remind the most recent ones, or in some articles published in different magazines of interest 5. Our initiative is limited by the fact that we have used the archaeological material edited up to present, to which we have added the ceramic material that makes the purpose of this note, discovered in the last decade on the archaeological site in (L)Ibida Slava Rusă, not always in accurate dated stratigraphic contexts. For this reason, the typological and chronological repertoire of forms of the northern African tableware 2 A repertoire of the African Red Slip Ware forms for roman Dobrogea, for the 4 th 6 th century, by OPAIȚ 1996, , and in a newer version OPAIȚ 2004, TOPOLEANU 2000, OPRIŞ 2003, The articles referred to present exceptional discoveries, such as the northern African tableware with decorations in low relief. For this see: MUŞEȚEANU, ELEFTERESCU 1996, ; OPRIŞ 1998,

321 Notes on the African Red Slip Ware Ceramics in Scythia Minor 321 can be improved in any circumstances and completed with new forms and chronological observations. AFRICAN RED SLIP WARE. GENERAL REVIEWS The term of African Red Slip Ware is introduced in the archaeological literature along with the publication of J.W. Hayes s book 6. Up to that date, the pottery produced in Northern Africa was mentioned in publications under various names. F. Waagé uses the terms Late Roman A and Late Roman B, in the typological presentation of the northern African tableware discovered in Athenians Agora 7 or Antiohia on the Orontes 8. In the second half of the 20 th century, the Italian researcher N. Lamboglia uses the term of terra sigillata chiara for the products made in the northern African workshops 9. According to the researches carried out so far 10, the workshops of the northern African potters begin productions in the late first century A.D., and this will go on uninterruptedly until the middle of the 7 th century. From a geographic approach, the workplaces aforementioned are grouped on the territory of the Africa Proconsularis and Mauritania s provinces, most being identified in present day Tunisia 11. The excavations conducted during the 20 th century have lead to the discovery of installations for the manufacturing of ceramics such as the African Red Slip Ware, in the northern and central Tunis, in El Mahrine 12, Oudhna or Sdi Khalifa 13. The general characteristics of the clay used for this kind of pottery are: a gritty appearance, colours starting from orange and red shades up to brick red, impurities are present in the form of small 6 HAYES 1972, WAAGÉ 1933, WAAGÉ LAMBOGLIA 1958; LAMBOGLIA 1963; LAMBOGLIA HAYES 1972, 13; ATLANTE I, 11; BONIFAY 2004, ATLANTE I, 11; BONIFAY 2004, 46, fig MACKENSEN 1993, BONIFAY 2004,

322 322 MARIAN MOCANU particles of chalk and silver mica. The red coloured slip is in general of superior quality 14 (Fig.1). A unique characteristic of the production of this northern African pottery is the special variety of forms 15, explained through the multitude of workshops and the period of approximately 6 centuries during which the pottery was permanently produced. According to the facts known up to present, most forms of the northern African pottery are not decorated. However, a number of potteries have elements of décor of various types, such as: decorations with sprocket, knurls decorations made with cog wheel, imprinted decorations made by stamping, decorations applied in low relief 16. The products of the potters in the northern African region enjoyed a tremendous commercial success. If the early forms (which represent in fact imitations of terra sigillata forms 17 ) had a local distribution, beginning with the second half of the 2 nd century, the northern African pottery spread quickly in the Mediterranean basin, first in the western side, then in the eastern side, and further on, through the Aegean, reached the cities from the west and north pontic region, especially in the late antiquity 18 (Fig.2). Also, in the late times of the 6 th century, the African Red Slip pottery was also certified in Britannia 19. THE AFRICAN RED SLIP WARE CERAMICS IN SCYTHIA MINOR In our attempt to account the forms of the African Red Slip Ware discovered in Scythia Minor, we have identified 20 forms, some of which, particularly those dated in the 5 th and 6 th century, are present with 14 A general description of the clay used for northern African tableware, we find among others at: HAYES 1972, 13 14; KENRICK 1985, In his 1972 bock, J.W. Hayes identified not less than 198 forms of the northern African tableware, most of which had various variants in a chronological evolution. 16 HAYES 1972, 14; ATLANTE I, HAYES 1972, HAYES 1980, ; ATLANTE I, HAYES 1972, 458, map 11; HAYES 1980, 522, the earliest African Red Slip Ware tableware discovered in Britania is the form 9, variant A.

323 Notes on the African Red Slip Ware Ceramics in Scythia Minor 323 numerous vats. The earliest form is the Hayes 27, from the second half of the 2 nd century, and the latest form is the Hayes 105, dated from the first half of the 7 th century. As for the archaeological sites, the most representative in number of forms is Halmyris, with no less than 15 out of the 20 certified forms. We believe this fact it s not due to some particular geo historical conditions, but rather to the exemplary way in which the archaeological researches were conducted and the ceramic material published. At the opposite side it s placed Durostorum, to which we can currently associate only 2 forms out of the 20 forms present in Scythia Minor. In an article published in 1997 with the purpose of presenting some archaeological discoveries from the roman epoch in Măcin, are being mentioned a series of plates classed as being African Red Slip Ware pottery. The article has drawn our attention because the archaeological material belongs to an early roman times and the framing of some forms in the typology of the northern African tableware raises some problems. The first of these vessels, according to the author of the article, supposedly belongs to the Hayes form Unfortunately the entire profile of the vessel was not preserved, therefore an exact typological framing is impossible to make, especially when the drawings of the vessel can not convince us that it would resemble with the one presented by J.W. Hayes 21. Even if the description of the clay used for the vessel discovered in Măcin 22 can lead us to think of the northern African workshops, out of prudence we choose not to include the hypothetical Hayes form 11 in the repertoire of the northern African forms in Scythia Minor. For the other two vessels, the author proposes the typological framing of the Hayes form 16 23, this time one of the vessels having preserved a full profile, with the mentioning that the two plates discovered in Măcin 24 have a diameter 20 PARASCHIV 1997, 319, note 9, pl.1/3. 21 For comparison, see HAYES 1972, 38, Fig.5/Form PARASCHIV 1997, 326/3. 23 PARASCHIV 1997, 319, note 10, pl.1/ PARASCHIV 1997, 326, nr.4 5.

324 324 MARIAN MOCANU twice the size of those described by Hayes 25. As we have no certainty that the two vessels in Măcin can be undoubtedly framed in the category of the African Red Slip Ware, we will not include neither of these vessels in the repertoire of northern African forms from the roman Dobrogea, as there is a possibility for these vessels to be in fact products of some pontic workshops. Out of the 20 inventoried forms, from a chronological approach, two forms belong to the 2 nd and 3 rd century (the Hayes form 27 and Hayes form 49), while the rest of the 18 forms date in the chronological limits of 4 th and 7 th centuries (Fig.3). The Hayes 27 is present in numerous sites, one of the vessels possibly belonging to the form discovered in Troesmis. According to the description and to the drawing published by the editor of this vessel 26, the dimensions and the characteristics of the clay match to those of the pottery made in northern Africa. In spite all this, the author does not indicated the geographical area of origin for the mentioned vessel, leaving therefore the possibility that this vessel could be a local imitation of a common form and rather popular one in those times. A second vessel was discovered in Histria 27, but the mentioned plate has a diameter sensitize smaller compared to that of the Hayes 27 pottery, being considered an imitation of the pontic workshops. Apart of the aforementioned copies, whose belonging to the African Red Slip Ware pottery is debatable, plates belonging to this form, that had arrived in the Danube area as imports, are attested in Arrubium, Aegyssus and Halmyris. Among the forms mentioned, a special interest is raised by the Hayes 53 and Hayes 56 forms, discovered in Durostorum 28 and Capidava 29, because they are the only vessels from the studied region which present decorations in low relief. On the other hand African pottery 25 HAYES 1972, OPAIȚ 1980, 359, pl.15/ SUCEVEANU 2000, 13, nr.1, pl.1/1. 28 MUŞEȚEANU, ELEFTERESCU 1996, OPRIŞ 1998, , fig.1/1 2; OPRIŞ 2003, 145, pl.50/

325 Notes on the African Red Slip Ware Ceramics in Scythia Minor 325 decorated by stamping is present in almost every site from the late antiquity in the roman Dobrogea. Difficulties in classifying vessels in the African Red Slip Ware category come when we focus our attention on the Hayes 62 form. The first editor of these vessels, A. Opaiț, believes they are of pontic origins 30. Whereas F. Topoleanu, in his book dedicated to the Halmyris ceramics, typologically classifies these vessels as belonging to the northern African workshops, more precisely the to Hayes 62 form 31. First observation is that the form mentioned was discovered until now only in Halmyris (in 8 copies), in an ambiguous 32 stratigraphic context (layers 6, 7 and 9) therefore the chronological dating is set in large limits (second half of the 4 th century second half of 5 th century). A second observation comes from the comparison of the profiles of the vessels discovered in Halmyris (Pl. 17, no ) with the profiles of the vessels from the Hayes 62 form discovered in the archaeological sites from northern Africa 33 and we can see the resemblance are not quite perfect. On the other hand close resemblances are in north pontic area, the tableware there being produce in the workshops from the Black Sea region 34. Although we are tempted to consider the Halmyris potteries as pontic production, this dilemma will only be solved by conducting physicchemical analyses on the clay of the mentioned plates and comparing the results with the results obtain by performing the same analyses on the materials coming undoubtedly (discovered in situ) from the northern African workshops. As the status of the 8 vessels discovered in Halmyris in uncertain we will not include them in the repertoire of forms. The presence of the African Red Slip Ware pottery at the mouths of the Danube beginning with the second half of the 2 nd century raises the problem of possible commercial routes through which the northern African tableware had reached this geographical area. Given the considerable distance between Scythia Minor and the provinces from 30 OPAIȚ 1991, 165, nr , pl TOPOLEANU 2000, 71 72, pl.17/ TOPOLEANU 2000, BONIFAY 2004, 199, fig.106/ Hayes 62 forms, variants Sidi Jdidi ARSEN EVA, DOMŽALSKI 2002, (form 7), fig.13/

326 326 MARIAN MOCANU Northern Africa, we believe that the products that reached this geographical area had passed through intermediate market places. There is a low possibility that this African tableware was purchased directly from the producers (potters or owners of the workshops) and than sold on the markets at the mouth of the Danube. The theory can be supported due to the low percentage of tableware coming from northern Africa, situated between approximately 5 and 10 percent out of the total tableware discovered in the archaeological sites in the roman Dobrogea 35. Therefore a question is being raised: how did the northern African pottery arrive in the Dobrogean area and even further? 36 We believe the answer to this question must be looked from two different perspectives. The first perspective points to the 2 nd and 3 rd centuries, times in which the northern African tableware accidentally reaches this marginal area of the Roman Empire, probably along with other types of merchandise from the western part of the Empire. As a hypothesis, we consider that the early forms of African Red Slip Ware entered through Northern Italy and southern Gallia, following the course of the Danube up into the Pontic basin. To verify this hypothesis we have to check the apparition and distribution of early forms of northern African pottery, in the Danube provinces of the Roman Empire. The presence or the absence of this type of ceramics in the mentioned provinces could confirm or contradict this hypothesis. The second perspective is given by the administrative and territorial transformations, the political and economical changes of the Empire, starting with the reign of Diocletian. Beginning with the 4 th century, the African Red Slip Ware pottery reached the Pontic region through the East Mediterranean and Aegean Sea, as Constantinople became the main trademarked in the East Mediterranean (Fig.4). CONCLUSIONS 35 TOPOLEANU 2000, 87, Graphic 4; In the sample of tableware from (L)Ibida, Extramuros West 3 sector, the northern African tableware is in proportion of 5%. For this, see MOCANU 2011, 242, Graphic An explanation regarding the imports of Western Sigillata in the north of the Black Sea is found in ZHURAVLEV 2008, 83 and note 3. In our opinion this explanations can be plausible also for the African Red Slip Ware ceramics.

327 Notes on the African Red Slip Ware Ceramics in Scythia Minor 327 The tableware produced in the pottery workshops from the northern African area represent only a category of products involved in the commercial trades between these two geographic regions. The archaeological excavations carried out in the last century in Dobrogea had as a result the discovery of a large variety of products originated in Northern Africa. The amphorae, used as cases for fish products and olive oil, are certified in numerous settlements in Scythia Minor, even though their total number among this type of pots it s far lower than that of the tableware. Out of these 17 types, two (Africana I and Africana II) are dated from the early roman times, the rest being dated in the Late Antiquity 37. Among the different categories of imported ceramics in the space of the Lower Danube, from the northern African provinces, a special place is occupied by the lamps. For example, in Halmyris, for the 5 th and the 6 th century the lamps produced in the northern African workshops, occupy a percentage of 12% out of the total pots from this category 38, compared to the tableware which represents 8 percents out of the total from this category 39. Following the discoveries of tableware imported from Northern Africa, after the archaeological excavations in Dobrogea, but also of other functional categories of potteries, we can create an image of the trades between the two geographical regions. Of course, this image is far from being exhaustive and can not cover the entire commercial flux between the northern African provinces and those from the mouth of the river Danube. Still, we can say, based on the repertoire of forms of the African Red Slip Ware ceramics that these trades existed from the second half of the 2 nd century and had extended over a period almost five centuries, up to the first part of the 7 th century. The commercial trading was more intense in the late roman period, moment when the products from the northern African workshops seem to occupy a place on the Scythia 37 PARASCHIV 2006, TOPOLEANU 2000, TOPOLEANU 2000, 223.

328 328 MARIAN MOCANU Minor s market left open by the extinction of the pottery workshops from Gallia and Italia. A last aspect we would like to point out is the ambivalent character of the trade between northern Africa and the west pontic region which includes also the mouth of the Danube. The trades were not made only in one way, proof to that being that in the northern African region was being imported ceramic produced in the Black Sea area, fact demonstrated for example by the discoveries of the sigillata pontica in Berenice. 40 THE REPERTOIRE OF THE AFRICAN RED SLIP WARE FORMS IN SCYTHIA MINOR Hayes Form 27 is dated beginning with the second half of the 2 nd century and the first two decades of the 3 rd century. It is certified up to present in Arrubium 41, Aegyssus 42 and Halmyris, where it was discovered on the layer Hayes Form 45 is certified in only one copy belonging to the version C and has been discovered in Halmyris, on the layer The first two versions, A and B of the same form have been dated from the second half of the 2nd century and the beginning of the next century, while the C version is chronological situated in the beginning of the 4 th century. Hayes Form 49 certified in only one copy originated in Halmyris, on the layer 3 45, dated from the end of the 2 nd century and the beginning of the 3 rd century. We notice the fact that in Halmyris this form has been discovered in an earlier archaeological context, with almost half a century before the dating proposed by J.W. Hayes KENRICK 1985, PARASCHIV 1997, 319, pl.1/6 7 and pl.2/ NUȚU, COSTEA 2010, 155, pl.4/ TOPOLEANU 2000, 69 70, pl.17/ TOPOLEANU 2000, 70, pl.17/ TOPOLEANU 2000, 70, pl.17/ HAYES 1972, p.69.

329 Notes on the African Red Slip Ware Ceramics in Scythia Minor 329 Hayes Form 53 identified up to present only in Durostorum, in a random discovery 47. It has been dated from the second half of the 4 th century and the first three decades of the 5 th century. Hayes Form 56 is mentioned in the profile literature in Capidava 48 in two copies, to which is added a copy from Durostorum, discovered in the same conditions as the fragment of the bowl belonging to the Hayes form This form is dated in the same period as the fragment of the Hayes form 53 bowl. Hayes Form 61 has been identified for the first time in the fortified horreum at Topraichioi, in two copies 50, at Halmyris, on layer and Tropaeum Traiani, in section B, being dated from the 4 th century and the beginning of the next century 52. The appearance of these forms in Halmyris on layer 10 (first half of the 6th century) is probably accidental; the ceramic fragment mentioned being found in a previous layer. The dating proposed by J.W. Hayes is /20 for the variant A and for the variant B 53. Hayes Form 67 has been identified in Tropaeum Traiani, on layer 2, dated from the 4 th century 54, at Topraichioi 55, Capidava 56 and at Halmyris, on layers 8 and The form is dated in the second half of the 4 th century and the second half of the next century. Hayes Form 76 has been certified up to present in Aegyssus, being dated by its editor in the time period of MUŞEȚEANU, ELEFTERSCU 1996, , fig.1/1. 48 OPRIŞ 2003, 145, pl.50/ MUŞEȚEANU, ELEFTERESCU 1996, , fig.1/2. 50 OPAIȚ 1985, 156, fig.3/ TOPOLEANU 2000, 70 71, pl.17/ GĂMUREAC 2009, , fig.12/ HAYES 1972, BOGDAN CĂTĂNICIU, BARNEA 1979, 186, fig.158/ OPAIȚ 1985, 157, fig.3/ COVACEF 1999, 158, pl.12/5. 57 TOPOLEANU 2000, 72 73, pl.17/ OPAIȚ 1985, 158, fig.4/11.

330 330 MARIAN MOCANU Hayes form 80 is being mentioned in Halmyris, with two fragments on the layer 8 59, dated in the first half of the 5 th century, even though J.W. Hayes proposes the period of the second half and the end of the same century 60. Hayes Form 82 is unique up to this moment in Scythia Minor, being identified in (L)Ibida, on the Curtina G, S III, C6 section, at depth of 2.40 m, in an archaeological context subscribed to the 5 th 6 th century. According to the typology and chronology of J.W. Hayes, this form dates from the 5 th century and the beginning of the next century 61. Hayes Form 85 is mentioned in Halmyris, on layer 8, being subsequently dated from the first half of the 5 th century 62. Hayes Form 87 has been certified in Topraichioi 63, Halmyris, on layers 9 and 11 64, Capidava 65 and (L)Ibida 66. The chronological limits of this form are: the second half of the 5 th century and the beginning of the next century, being noted that the ceramic fragment, on the layer 11 in Halmyris is dated in the second half of the 6 th century. Hayes Form 91 encountered up to present in the metropolitan basilica in Histria in three copies 67 and in (L)Ibida 68 in contexts from the second half of the 5 th century and first half of the 6 th century. Hayes Form 94 has been found up to present in Halmyris, on layer 9 69, being dated in the first half of the 6 th century and in the B section of the fortress Tropaeum Traiani 70, in an archaeological context dated from the same period as in Halmyris. 59 TOPOLEANU 2000, 73, pl.17/ HAYES 1972, HAYES 1972, TOPOLEANU 2000, 71 (Mackensen form,1993, 60.2), pl.17/ OPAIȚ 1985, 158, fig.4/9. 64 TOPOLEANU 2000, 73 74, pl.18/ OPRIŞ 2003, , pl.50/339 and pl.54/ MOCANU 2011, 228, pl.2/ SUCEVEANU 2007, , pl.75/ MOCANU 2011, 228, pl.2/4. 69 TOPOLEANU 2000, 74 75, pl.18/ GĂMUREAC 2009, 267, fig.13/111.

331 Notes on the African Red Slip Ware Ceramics in Scythia Minor 331 Hayes Form 95 is present in Halmyris, on layer 9 71, the date indicated by the editor being subscribed to the second half of the 5 th century, while J.W. Hayes dates this form from the first half of the next century 72. Hayes Form 97 was present in one specimen discovered in Capidava 73 and dated back to the first half of the 6 th century. Hayes Form 99 seems to be the most common African Red Slip Ware form among the roman sites in Scythia Minor, in generally being found in archaeological contexts dating from the 6 th century. The Hayes 99 form has been identified in: Histria 74, Capidava 75, Halmyris 76, Tropaeum Traiani 77 and (L)Ibida 78. Hayes Form 103 has been identified in Halmyris, on the layer 10 79, Capidava 80 and Tropaeum Traiani 81. From a chronological point of view, this form belongs to the 6 th century. Hayes Form 104 it s present in Tropeum Traiani 82, on the second layer, Halmyris, on the layers 9, 10 and Capidava 84 and (L)Ibida 85, being dated from the 6 th century and the first two decades of the following century. 71 TOPOLEANU 2000, 75, pl.18/ HAYES 1972, OPRIŞ 2003, , pl.50/ SUCEVEANU 1982, 97, fig.14/8 ; SUCEVEANU 2007, 209, pl.75/ COVACEF 1999, 164, pl.15/1 a b. Specimen with a complete profile, decorated by stamping. The Author considers it belongs to Hayes form 9, version B. From our perspective the specimen from Capidava belongs to the Hayes form 99. For comparison, see HAYES 1972, Fig.4/Form 9 and HAYES 1972, fig.28/form TOPOLEANU 2000, 75 76, pl.18/ GĂMUREAC 2009, 267, pl.13/ Two unpublished pottery fragments belonging to this form appear in the Extramuros North 1 sector. 79 TOPOLEANU 2000, 76 77, pl.19/ OPRIŞ 2003, , pl.53/ GĂMUREAC 2009, 267, pl.13/ BOGDAN CĂTĂNICIU, BARNEA 1979, 189, fig.167/ TOPOLEANU 2000, 77 78, pl.19/ OPRIŞ 2003, 149, pl.53/345, pl.54/346; COVACEF 1999, 154 and 157, pl.11/4. 85 MOCANU 2011, , pl.2/5.

332 332 MARIAN MOCANU Hayes Form 105 has been up to present identified in Capidava 86 and in the metropolitan basilica in Histria 87. This particular form it s dated from the end of the 6 th century. REFERENCES ARSEN EVA, T.M., DOMŽALSKI, K Late Roman red slip pottery from Tanais, Eurasia Antiqua 8, BĂDESCU, A Ceramica romană din secolul al VI lea la Dunărea de Jos. Studiu statistic şi funcțional cu vedere specială asupra Dobrogei, SCIVA 61, 3 4, BOGDAN CĂTĂNICIU, I., BARNEA, A Ceramica şi descoperiri mărunte, in: A. Barnea, I. Barnea (coord.), I. Bogdan Cătăniciu, M. Mărgineanu Cârstoiu, Gh. Papuc, Tropaeum Traiani I. Cetatea, Bucureşti, BONIFAY, M Etudes sur la céramique romaine tardive d Afrique, Oxford. COVACEF, Z Ceramica de uz comun din sectorul de est al cetății Capidava. Sec. IV VI, Pontica 32, GĂMUREAC, E Edificiul B1 din sectorul B al cetății Tropaeum Traiani. Considerații preliminare privind cercetările din , Pontica 42, HAYES, J.W Late Roman Pottery, London. HAYES, J.W A Suppliment to Late Roman Pottery, London, KENRICK, P.M Excavations at Sidi Khrebish Benghazi (Berenice), III, Part 1: The Fine Pottery, Tripoli. LAMBOGLIA, N Nuove osservazioni sulla Terra Sigillata Chiara (Tipi A e B), Rivista di Studi Liguri, 24, 3 4, LAMBOGLIA, N Nuove osservazioni sulla Terra Sigillata Chiara (II), Rivista di Studi Liguri, 29, 1 4, LAMBOGLIA, N I problemi attuali della terra sigillata chiara: Italia o Africa?, in Antichita Altoadriatoche 5, 1974, OPRIŞ 2003, 151, pl.54/ ; COVACEF 1999, SUCEVEANU 2007, 209, pl.75/

333 Notes on the African Red Slip Ware Ceramics in Scythia Minor 333 MACKENSEN, M Die Spätantiken Sigillata und Lampentöpferein von El Mahrine (Nordtunesien). Studien zur Nordafrikanischen Feinkeramik des 4. bis 7. Jahrhundersts, München. MOCANU, M Considerații privind ceramica de masă de la (L)Ibida. Studiu de caz. Sectorul Extramuros Vest III, Peuce S.N. 9, MUŞEȚEANU, C., ELEFTERESCU, D Ceramica africană cu decor în relief de la Durostorum, SCIVA 47, 4, NUȚU, G., COSTEA, G Ceramică fină descoperită la Aegyssus, Peuce S.N. 8, OPAIȚ, A Considerații preliminare asupra ceramicii romane timpurii de la Troesmis, Peuce 8, OPAIȚ, A Einige Betrachtungen zur spätromischen Keramik mit rotem Überzug, Dacia N.S. 29, OPAIȚ, A Ceramica din aşezarea şi cetatea de la Independența (Murighiol) sec. V î.e.n. VII e.n., Peuce 10, vol. I, , vol. II, OPAIȚ, A Aspecte ale vieții economice din provincia Scythia (secolele IV VI p. Chr.), Bucureşti. OPAIȚ, A Local and Imported Ceramics in the Roman Province of Scythia (4th 6th centuries AD), Oxford. OPRIŞ, I.C Notes sur la céramique romaine importée de la Scythie Mineure (I). Les grands plats africains à décoration chrétienne estampée de Capidava. De nouveaux éléments iconographiques, Thraco Dacica 18, 1 2, OPRIŞ, I.C Notes sur la céramique romaine importe de la Scythie Mineure (II). Deux formes africaines nouvelles de Capidava: African Red Slip Wares Hayes 56 et 97, Thraco Dacica 19, 1 2, OPRIŞ, I.C Ceramica romană târzie şi paleobizantină de la Capidava în contextul descoperirilor de la Dunărea de Jos (sec. IV VI p. Chr.), Bucureşti. PARASCHIV, D Descoperiri arheologice de epocă romană la Măcin, Pontica 30, PARASCHIV, D Amfore romane şi romano bizantine în zona Dunării de Jos (sec. I VII p. Chr.), Iaşi. SUCEVEANU, A Contribuții la studiul ceramicii romano bizantine de la Histria, SCIVA 33, 1,

334 334 MARIAN MOCANU SUCEVEANU, A Histria X. La céramique romaine des Ier IIIe siècles ap. J. C., Bucarest. SUCEVEANU, A Histria XIII. La basilique épiscopale, Bucarest. TOPOLEANU, F Ceramica romană şi romano bizantină de la Halmyris (sec. I VII d. Ch.), Tulcea. WAAGÉ, F.O The Roman and Byzantine Pottery, Hesperia 2, WAAGÉ, F.O Hellenistic and Roman Tableware of North Syria, in Antioch on the Orontes. Ceramics and Islamic Coins, 4, 1, Princeton, ZHURAVLEV, D Western Sigillata in the Northern Pontic Region, Ancient Civilisations from Scythia to Siberia 14, 1 2,

335 Notes on the African Red Slip Ware Ceramics in Scythia Minor 335 ILLUSTRATIONS

336 336 MARIAN MOCANU

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338 338 MARIAN MOCANU

339 Notes on the African Red Slip Ware Ceramics in Scythia Minor 339

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341 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, AMM. MARCELL : UNA NUOVA IPOTESI SUL SIGNIFICATO DI UN FRAMMENTO ATTRIBUITO ALL HORTENSIUS DI CICERONE CONSTANTIN IONUȚ MIHAI 1 Keywords: Cicero s Hortensius, varietas fortunae, external goods, ancient philosophy. Abstract: The excerpt from Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae , where the Roman historian reproduces one of Cicero s sayings, without mentioning its reference, was considered by Alberto Grilli to belong to the dialogue Hortensius. Though the Italian philologist had identified in this excerpt a series of motives common to other fragments from this dialogue (as for example the varietas fortunae or the critical analysis of the false goods which are not in our power), his interpretation remained a singular one. Until now no other scholar had supported Grilli s interpretation. The quarrel of interpretations regarding this passage will be the starting point of this article in which I will try to advance a new reading of the excerpt from Res gestae (= Hort. fr. 63 Grilli). The new reading will be done from the perspective of the antique topos according to which for a philosopher varietas fortunae is not only a reason for criticizing the external goods (externa / τὰ ἐκτός), but also an occasion to test himself and to know his inner progress. In my opinion this topos, often present in the writings of ancient writers, was also present in Cicero s Hortensius. Such a reading will offer new groundings for Grilli s interpretation. Résumé: Le passage des Res gestae d Ammien Marcellin, dans lequel l historien romain reproduit une sentence attribuée à Cicéron, sans nommer le titre de l œuvre à laquelle celle ci appartenait, a été considéré par Alberto Grilli comme un fragment de l Hortensius. Même si le philologue italien reconnaissait dans ce passage quelques motifs qui se retrouvent également dans d autres fragments de ce dialogue cicéronien, comme celui de la varietas fortunae ou la critique des faux biens (externa / τὰ ἐκτός), pourtant, jusqu à présent, aucun autre auteur n a pas fourni des arguments à l appui de cette hypothèse. Dans cet article nous nous proposons d offrir une nouvelle lecture du passage d Ammien Marcellin (= Hort. fr. 63 Grilli) invoquant l ancien topos qui voyait dans la varietas fortunae non seulement une raison pour critiquer les biens extérieurs, 1 Università Alexandru Ioan Cuza di Iaşi, ionut_constantin_mihai@yahoo.com.

342 342 CONSTANTIN IONUȚ MIHAI mais aussi une occasion offerte au philosophe pour se mettre à l épreuve et pour connaître son progrès intérieure. À notre avis, ce topos, bien répandu dans les écrits des auteurs antiques, se retrouvait aussi dans l Hortensius. En proposant une telle interprétation il sera possible d apporter un argument positif en faveur de l hypothèse d A. Grilli. Rezumat: Pasajul din A. Marcellinus, Res gestae , în care istoricul roman reproduce o maximă atribuită lui Cicero, fără a menționa însă şi titlul operei în care figura aceasta, a fost socotit de A. Grilli ca fiind un împrumut din dialogul Hortensius. Deși filologul italian identifica în pasajul de față o serie de motive care se întâlnesc şi în alte fragmente păstrate din acest dialog ciceronian, cum ar fi cel numit varietas fortunae sau cel al criticii îndreptate împotriva falselor bunuri, totuşi, opțiunea sa a rămas una cu totul singulară. Până în prezent, niciun alt cercetător nu a propus o interpretare care să vină în sprijinul ipotezei avansate de A. Grilli. În acest articol ne propunem să oferim o nouă lectură a pasajului din Res gestae (= Hort. fr. 63 Grilli) din perspectiva topos ului antic potrivit căruia, pentru un filosof, varietas fortunae nu constituie doar un motiv pentru a desconsidera bunurile exterioare (externa / τὰ ἐκτός), ci şi un prilej oferit acestuia pentru a se pune la încercare şi pentru a cunoaşte progresul său interior. În opinia noastră, acest topos, care cunoaşte multiple atestări în scrierile autorilor antici, se regăsea şi în cuprinsul unui dialog precum Hortensius. O astfel de interpretare ar putea oferi un argument în plus pentru a recunoaşte în citatul transmis de A. Marcellinus un fragment din acest dialog ciceronian. Al frammento 63 dell Hortensius ciceroniano, Grilli 2 assegnava un passo ricavato dalle Res gestae di Ammiano Marcellino, in cui lo storico romano faceva un riferimento al tema della fortuna e della sua mobilità: et quamquam optatissimum est perpetuo fortunam quam florentissimam permanere, illa tamen <ae>qualitas vitae non tantum habet sensum, quantum cum ex <mi>seris et perditis rebus ad meliorem statum fortuna revocatur. Anche se abbiamo una serie di parole introdutive mirabamur illam sententiam Tullianam, ex internis veritatis ipsius promulgatam, quae est talis... che ci permettono di riconoscere Cicerone come l autore di questo dictum, purtroppo, lo storico romano non ci offre una testimonianza diretta sull opera cui si riferiva in questo brano. Da questa incertezza derivano 2 GRILLI 2010.

343 Amm. Marcell : Una nuova ipotesi 343 alcuni problemi riguardanti l attribuzione del citato riportato nell opera di Ammiano; non a caso, illa sententia Tulliana è stata attribuita da parte di alcuni editori delle opere ciceroniane tanto al De republica, tra i frammenti incertae sedis, quanto all Hortensius, come accade nell edizione di Grilli. Tuttavia, eccezione fatta per quest ultimo, nessun altro editore dell Hortensius non ha ritenuto il passo di Ammiano sopra citato come un frammento di questo dialogo ciceroniano. Grilli è stato il primo ed il singolo a collocarvelo, anzi, senza difficoltà, per citare le sue parole. Secondo lui in questo passo si potevano riconoscere le trace di una polemica contro i beni di fortuna di cui si parla anche in altri frammenti dell Hortensius a noi sopravvissuti. Come risulta dal commento scritto in margine al fr. 63 dell edizione da lui curata 3, il riferimento a questo tema dei falsi beni della fortuna era stato ritenuto come un motivo sufficiente per riconoscere nelle parole citate da Ammiano un nuovo frammento dell Hortensius. Però, sebbene la polemica contro questi falsi beni rapresenti un tema che si ritrova anche in altri scritti protrettici antichi, è altrettanto vero che le parole di Ammiano potevano essere un richiamo ad un altra opera di Cicerone, cioè Oratio cum populo gratias egit, 1.2, in cui si riscontra la stessa immagine della fortuna sempre mutabilis et inconstans: Quare, etsi nihil est homini magis optandum quam prospera, aequabilis perpetuaque fortuna secundo vitae sine ulla offensione cursu, tamen, si mihi tranquilla et placata omnia fuissent, incredibili quadam et paene divina, qua nunc vestro beneficio fruor, laetitiae voluptate caruissem. Una certa affinità linguistica e tematica fra questo passo e la sententia Tulliana riportata nelle Res gestae ha già suggerito ai diversi editori del testo di Ammiano una possibile dipendenza dello storico romano da questa Oratio di Cicerone. 4 Che le parole di Ammiano fossero un richiamo ex memoria a questo discorso piuttosto che una 3 Ibid., Nelle varie edizioni del testo di Ammiano non viene fatto nessun riferimento ad un possiblie influso dell Hortensius. Gli editori si limitano a riconoscere un pensiero simile nell Oratio cum populo gratias egit, 1.2 vide ROLFE 1963, 149, n. 2; GALLETIER FONTAINE 1968, 248, n. 213; SEYFARTH 1970, 181, n. 105; BARRILE 1973, 366, n. 18.

344 344 CONSTANTIN IONUȚ MIHAI riproduzione di un passo dell Hortensius è stata l opinine della maggior parte degli editori di questo dialogo ciceroniano che non hanno inserito un tale frammento nelle loro edizioni. Oltre questo, in uno studio dedicato proprio al significato della fortuna nelle Res gestae, Naudé 5 sosteneva ovviamente che le parole di Cicerone riportate da Ammiano altro non erano che un riferimento al passo dell Oratio cum populo gratias egit 1.2, citato più sopra. Dato questo, forse sarebbe stata necessaria una discussione da parte di A. Grilli in margine a queste opinioni contrarie degli studiosi non disposti a riconoscere nel passo di Ammiano un frammento dell Hortensius. Purtroppo, una tale discussione è del tutto assente nell edizione fatta da A. Grilli, dove il passo di questa Oratio ciceroniana non viene nemmeno menzionato. In presenza di tutte queste interpretazioni ben contrarie a quella proposta da A. Grilli la domanda che si pone potrebbe essere formulata in una maniera semplice con le parole: ci offre veramente lo storico romano nella illa sententia Tulliana un frammento dell Hortensius, oppure non c è altro da vedere che un richiamo all Oratio che Cicerone pronunciò cum populo gratias egit? Senza riprendere le argomentazioni, abbastanza scarse, di Grilli, ci proponiamo di offrire un nuovo sostegno alla sua ipotesi della presenza nel passo delle Res geste di un riferimento all Hortensius ciceroniano. A nostro parere in questo frammento è da riconoscere non solo una polemica contro i beni di fortuna, ma anche una ripresa da parte di Cicerone di un tema molto difuso negli scritti filosofici e letterari antichi, cioè la rappresentazione degli adversa fortunae come exercitationes della virtù. La mutabilità della fortuna non è soltanto un motivo per criticare i suoi falsi beni (gli externa / τὰ ἐκτός) come aveva sostenuto Grilli; essa può diventare anche un occasio per il filosofo di mettersi alla prova, di fortificare attravero gli adversa il suo proprio animo. Infatti, colui che intende fare della sua vita un continuo cammino verso la virtù non può nutrire il desiderio in realtà ilusorio di godere sempre di una fortuna favorevole. Il filosofo ha la consapevolezza dell inconstanza di tutte le cose umane e proprio perciò egli cerca di offrire un senso più alto 5 NAUDÉ 1964, 80, n. 88.

345 Amm. Marcell : Una nuova ipotesi 345 alla varietas fortunae, identificandovi un opportunità per mettere in evidenza la sua forza d animo e la sua capacità di sopportare qualsiasi cosa gli capiti. Per quanto ne sappiamo, una tale interpretazione di questo frammento non è stata ancora proposta, ma è nostra convinzione che una rilettura in questa chiave delle parole ricavate dall opera di Ammiano potrebbe fornire nuovi argomenti per riconoscervi un richiamo all Hortensius. In questo modo sarebbe forse possibile formulare una risposta, la cui necessità sembra che non sia stata intraveduta da A. Grilli, alle varie interpretazioni che non hanno riconosciuto nel passo riportatoci dallo storico romano una ripresa di un motivo che poteva essere presente in questo dialogo di Cicerone. Com è noto, l immagine dell uomo forte opposto alla cattiva fortuna rappresenta un topos delle varie scuole e dottrine filosofiche antiche. Nelle discussioni polarizzate sull etica eroica un elemento di particolare rilievo è dato dal fatto che il fortis vir non soltanto è in grado di affrontare le diverse avversità, ma anzi, spesso, preferisce andarvi incontro ancor prima che esse si manifestino in tutta la loro intensità. Una tale immagine dell uomo bravo che ama lottare incessamente contro la fortuna ricorre per esempio in una massima attribuita a Diogene il Cinico, riportataci da Dione Crisostomo nella sua Oratio 8.15: ὁ δὲ ἀνὴρ ὁ γενναῖος ἡγεῖται τοὺς πόνους ἀνταγωνιστὰς μεγίστους, καὶ τούτοις ἀεὶ φιλεῖ μάχεσθαι καὶ τὴν νύκτα καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν. 6 In maniera anche più esplicita, Seneca, De prov. 4.3, parla di coloro che talvolta si sono esposti spontaneamente a mali che tardavano, cercando un occasione di mettersi in luce e di accrescere la loro virtù: Itaque quidam ipsi ultro se cessantibus malis optulerunt et virtuti iturae in obscurum occasionem per quam enitesceret quaesierunt. Infatti, colui che ha trascorso la sua vita senza avversari non può conoscersi e non può essere considerato uomo felice perché, come dice lo stesso Seneca, soltanto una cattiva fortuna, con le sue sventure, può rilevare a qualcuno la forza interiore del suo animo: Miserum te iudico, quod numquam fuisti miser. Transisti sine adversario vitam; 6 ARNIM 1962, 98.

346 346 CONSTANTIN IONUȚ MIHAI nemo sciet quid potueris, ne tu quidem ipse. Opus est enim ad notitiam sui experimento; quid quisque posset nisi temptando non didicit. (ibid.) 7 Il coraggio di affrontare in una maniera degna, con animo sereno, tutti gli incommoda vitae non è un privilegio sociale, ma può essere una conquista che spesse volte si realizza proprio con l aiuto della filosofia. 8 Non a caso, Cicerone definisce talvolta la filosofia come vitae dux, virtutis indagatrix (Tusc. 5.5), oppure come medicina animi che toglie le preocupazioni inutili, libera l anima dai desideri e i timori: Nam efficit hoc philosophia: medetur animis, inanes sollicitudines detrahit, cupiditatibus liberat, pellit timores. (Tusc. 2.11). Lo stesso significato della filosofia viene assunto da Cicerone anche nell Hortensius: necdum scis quantum ubique nos adiuvet [sc. philosophia], quemadmodum et in maximis, ut Ciceronis utar verbo, opituletur et in minima descendat (fr. 22); è la stessa immagine che si riscontra anche nel frammento 95: Illa est humanarum rerum scientia, quae novit lumen prudentiae, temperantiae decus, fortitudinis robur, iustitiae sanctitatem: haec enim sunt quae nullam fortunam metuentes vere nostra dicere audemus. Come le indagini di Pierre Hadot hanno messo in evidenza 9, la filosofia antica, definita più spesso come un modo di vivere e non solo come pratica discursiva, esigeva da parte dei suoi adepti che la parola fosse in assoluta armonia con l azione; sarebbe stato del tutto inutile che il filosofo trattasse della temperanza o della fortezza d animo quand egli non realizzasse nella sua vita questi precetti etici. Le avversità potevano dunque diventare per lui occasiones di mettersi alla prova, di mostrare i 7 Vide anche Cic., Tusc. 5.3: eos casus, in quibus me fortuna vehementer exercuit. 8 In Senofonte, Mem , Socrate insiste sull idea che ognuno ha la possibilità di accrescere il suo coraggio con l apprendimento e l esercizio: νομίζω μέντοι πᾶσαν φύσιν μαθήσει καὶ μελέτῃ πρὸς ἀνδρείαν αὔξεσθαι. Ὁρῶ δ ἔγωγε καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων πάντων ὁμοίως καὶ φύσει διαφέροντας ἀλλήλων τοὺς ἀνθρώπους καὶ ἐπιμελείᾳ πολὺ ἐπιδιδόντας. Ἐκ δὲ τούτων δῆλόν ἐστιν ὅτι πάντας χρὴ καὶ τοὺς εὐφυστέρους καὶ τοὺς ἀμβλυτέρους τὴν φύσιν, ἐν οἵς ἂν ἀξιόλογοι βούλωνται γενέσθαι, ταῦτα καὶ μανθάνειν καὶ μελετᾶν. Cicerone stesso accena a questo motivo in alcuni passi dei suoi scritti, come accade per esempio nelle Tusc. 2.41: vir natus ad gloriam ullam partem animi tam mollem habebit, quam non meditatione et ratione conroboret? 9 HADOT 1998, passim.

347 Amm. Marcell : Una nuova ipotesi 347 valori della sua forza interiore e, alla fine, il suo progresso verso la virtù. Nell ambito di queste discussioni, un motivo ben diffuso negli scritti protrettici era quello dei falsi filosofi i cui discorsi contrastano singolarmente con la loro vita. Di maggior rilievo in questo senso risultano essere alcuni frammenti dell Hortensius: Qui autem docent tantum nec faciunt, ipsi praeceptis suis detrahunt pondus: quis enim optemperet, cum ipsi praeceptores doceant non optemperare? Bonum est autem recta et honesta praecipere, sed nisi et facias, mendacium est et est incongruens atque ineptum non in pectore, sed in labris habere bonitatem. (fr. 36). Lo stesso rimprovero viene ripreso anche nei fr : praecipiunt haec isti sed facit nemo; qui illud nescioquid quod in primoribus habent, ut aiunt, labres. 10 Soltanto colui che era riuscito ad interiorizzare i precetti della filosofia sarebbe stato in grado anche di vivere secondo la lege di essa ed affrontare senza paura qualsiasi avversità della fortuna. 11 In questo senso le avversità avevano il merito di rilevare la personalità del vero filosofo, distinguendolo da tutti quelli che avevano cercato in filosofia una 10 La stessa critica è anche nelle Tusc : Quotus enim quisque philosophorum invenitur, qui sit ita moratus, ita animo ac vita constitutus, ut ratio postulat? qui disciplinam suam non ostentationem scientiae, sed legem vitae putet? qui obtemperet ipse sibi et decretis suis pareat? Videre licet alios tanta levitate et iactatione, ut iis fuerit non didicisse melius, alios pecuniae cupidos, gloria non nullos, multos libidinum servos, ut cum eorum vita mirabiliter pugnet oratio. Cfr. Pro Archia, 11: Neque enim est hoc dissimulandum (quod obscurari non potest) sed prae nobis ferendum: trahimur omnes studio laudis, et optimus quisque maxime gloria ducitur. Ipsi illi philosophi, etiam in eis libellis quos de contemnenda gloria scribunt, nomen suum inscribunt: in eo ipso, in quo praedicationem nobilitatemque despiciunt, praedicari de se ac nominari volunt. 11 Questo tema conobbe una grande diffusione soprattutto nell ambito della filosofia stoica. In Seneca, De prov. 2.6, la fortuna è l avversario assegnato da Dio al vir bonus per esercitarlo: patrium deus habet adversus bonos viros animum, et illos fortiter amat et: Operibus, inquit, doloribus, damnis exagitentur, ut verum colligant robur ; cfr. ibid. 4.6: calamitas virtutis occasio est. La stessa immagine ricorre anche nelle Diatribe di Epitteto, : Φέρε νῦν, ὦ Ζεῦ, ἣν θέλεις περίστασιν ἔχω γὰρ παρασκευὴν ἐκ σοῦ μοι δεδομένην καὶ ἀφορμὰς πρὸς τὸ κοσμῆσαι διὰ τῶν ἀποβαινόντων ἐμαυτόν. Si veda anche ibid., : Νῦν σοι λέγει [sc. ὁ θεός] Ἐλθὲ ἤδε ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα, δεῖξον ἡμῖν τί ἔμαθες, πῶς ἤθλησας. Μέχρι τίνος γυμνασθήσῃ μόνος; ἤδε καιρὸς γνῶναί σε, πότερον τῶν ἀξιονίκων εἶ τις ἀθλητῶν ἢ ἐκείνων, οἳ τὴν οἰκουμένην περιέρχονται νικώμενοι. Si veda anche NEWMAN 1989,

348 348 CONSTANTIN IONUȚ MIHAI delectatio è non un ars vitae e l aiuto nell affrontare e superare le diverse avversità. 12 Proprio questo potrebbe essere il motivo per cui alla fortuna buona si deve talvolta preferire una fortuna cattiva, perché colui che è visuto in miseris et perditis rebus ha avuto la possibilità di mostrare, tanto a lui stesso quanto agli altri, il suo vero status animi, la sua condotta di vita in cui è riuscito a interiorizzare i precetti della filosofia. Se avesse conosciuto sempre l aequalitas vitae, godendo di una fortuna perpetuo florentissima, non avrebbe potuto conoscere il suo reale progresso interiore. In questo modo, illa sententia Tulliana potrebbe essere ritenuta come un richiamo all Hortensius ciceroniano in cui, a nostro parere, si trovasse uno sviluppo del tema delle avversità come occasiones di virtù, tema questo molto diffuso negli altri scritti filosofici antichi. Un ulteriore prova in questo senso si potrebbe ricavare rileggendo i frammenti in cui Cicerone contrapponeva alla critica contro i falsi filosofi l immagine del sapiens che vitae gravitate praestitit (fr. 56), che ha trovato mediante la sua meditazione temperantiae decus, fortitudinis robur, iustitiae sanctitatem (fr. 95), che è riuscito a trascorrere la sua vita liberato dal timore (nullam fortunam metuens, ibid.), al di sopra di tutte le avversità della fortuna. 13 BIBLIOGRAFIA ARNIM, von J Dionis Prusaensis quem vocant Chrysostomum quae exstant omnia, vol. I, Berlin. BARRILE, A. R Ammiano Marcellino, Istorie, vol. I, libri XIV XVIII, Bologna. GALLETIER, É. FONTAINE, J Ammien Marcellin, Histoire, tome I, livres XIV XVI, Paris. GRILLI, A Marco Tullio Cicerone, Ortensio, Bologna. 12 Cfr. Seneca, De prov. 4.2: Magnus vir es: sed unde scio, si tibi fortuna non dat facultatem exhibendae virtutis? 13 Cfr. anche Hort., fr. 103: omnis sapiens fortis est, nulus autem fortis aliquid metuit: non igitur metuit sapiens aut mortem corporis aut dolores...

349 Amm. Marcell : Una nuova ipotesi 349 HADOT, P Che cos è la filosofia antica?, traduzione italiana di Elena Giovanelli, Torino. NAUDÉ, C. P. T «Fortuna» in Ammianus Marcellinus, AClass 7, NEWMAN, R. J Cotidie meditare. Theory and Practice of the meditatio in Imperial Stoicism, ANRW (ed. W. Haase), II, 36,3, Berlin. ROLFE, J Ammianus Marcellinus, Cambridge. SEYFARTH, W Ammianus Marcellinus, Römische Geschichte. Lateinisch und Deutsch und mit einem Kommentar Versehen von, Erster Teil, Buch 14 17, Berlin.

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351 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, ARCHAEOLOGY, ARCHITECTURE AND THE USE OF ROMANITÀ IN FASCIST ITALY * CRISTIAN OLARIU 1 Keywords: Archaeology, architecture, Fascism, Romanità, Mostra Augustea, Ara Pacis, Mausoleum of Augustus, propaganda, ideology Abstract: After Mussolini has become the leader of Italy, Romanità increasingly starts to invade fascist propaganda. Romanità helped the promotion of imperial policies of the regime and in fact meant that the spirit of the ancient Romans was reborn in modern Italians. The Mostra Archeologica of 1911 played an important role in the promotion of ancient Rome and it s values among the modern Italians. The Fascists used even further the concept of Romanità. By reshaping Rome and promotion through exhibitions of Augustus they tried to connect themselves with the founder of the Roman Empire. The glorious traditions of imperial Rome were reused to give legitimacy to a dictator who, increasingly, considered himself the incarnation of Augustus, but ultimately failed. Rezumat: Autorul prezintă modul în care propaganda mussoliniană a utilizat simbolurile şi valorile vechii Rome, prin promovarea conceptului de Romanità, pentru a oferi legimitate regimului fascist. The monumental nature of the fascist Romanità, together with the fact that the center of this Roman revival was based on Rome itself, obscured other tentative approaches toward the Medieval or Renaissance past of interwar Italy. After Mussolini has become the leader of Italy, Romanità increasingly starts to invade fascist propaganda. Romanità helped the promotion of imperial policies of the regime and in fact meant that the spirit of the ancient Romans was reborn in modern Italians. When one looks back in time, in the times of the First Roman Republic (proclaimed on February 15, 1798, under French control), he can * This work was supported by the strategic grant POSDRU/89/1.5/S/64162, Project ʺEuropaeus program postdoctoralʺ, cofinanced by the European Social Found within the Sectorial Operational Program Human Resources Development University of Bucharest, colariu@yahoo.com.

352 352 CRISTIAN OLARIU notice how on the republican official seal are represented both the Phrygian cap of the liberated slaves and the fasces of the ancient Roman lictors 2. The modern Roman Republic, little sister of the French Republic, was constituted as a consequence of the military intervention of the the French Revolution. It was supposed that the new Republic would recreate the glory of the ancient one and that a new Rome would be re born from the ashes, as the legendary Phoenix. Propaganda motifs related to antiquity could be seen on the new republican banknotes, issued by the Banco di S. Spirito in Rome and Sacro Monete della Pieta di Roma multiple fasces that framed the banknote, Phrygian caps in all four corners and the legionary eagle surrounded by a wreath 3. On the upper left, there was the seal of the Roman Republic, whilst on the upper right, the seal of the Committee of Accountants has a woman in ancient clothing most probably a personification of Rome with fasces in her left hand and a spear with a Phrygian cap on the top in her left (Figure 1). These banknotes would be in circulation until Napoleon was finally defeated at Waterloo, in 1815, when the French withdrew from Italy and the old order was restored. Thus, the Republican banknotes lost all their value and ceased to exist. In 1848, the Second Roman Republic was proclaimed ( ). During the short interval between the proclamation and the swift French intervention in support of the Pope, there was issued a series of republican banknotes, where the motifs of fasces and legionary eagles were used once more 4. In the following period, in the context of Italian unification movement, the myth of a revived Rome gradually took ground 5. By the end of the nineteenth century, archaeological excavations 2 SANDROCK 2011, in _Part_II.pdf, Ibidem. 4 Ibidem. 5 GILKES 2006, 36.

353 Archaeology, Architecture and the Use of Romanità in Fascist Italy 353 were carried out in the very centre of Rome, directed by Giacomo Boni 6 and Rodolfo Lanciani 7, which brought to light the truth of Rome s imperial age and delved into its mythical origins 8. On the other hand, by the beginning of the 20 th century Italy witnessed two antithetic nationalistic tendencies, with different attitudes on the Classical heritage 1. the Futurist movement, which violently expressed a modernist Italianism, characterized by the struggle against traditions and archaeology ( see the works of Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Umberto Boccioni, Giovanni Papini) and 2. the idea of Italy as heir of the ancient Roman Empire, promoted by the Italian Nationalist Association (Associazione Nazionalista Italiana) led by Enrico Corradini. With the merging of the Nationalist Association with the National Fascist Party, in 1923, ancient Rome became the mythical historical archetype of the new Italia: the myth of Rome, recovered in a modernistic key, permeated the cult and the liturgies of fascism, to the point that the regime tried to make the Italians the Romans of modernity, a people of citizen soldiers devoted to the religion of state 9. From this point of view, an important role was played by the Mostra Archeologica, an exposition organized by Rodolfo Lanciani in 1911, part of a larger series of exhibitions set in order to celebrate the 50 th anniversary of Rome as capital of the unified Italy 10. The exposition coincided with the Libyan War ( ), unwittingly becoming a source of legitimacy for Italian claims over North Africa as a former Roman province. The aim of the Mostra, organised in the Terme di Diocleziano in Rome, was to show the sheer size of the Empire, by inviting in the exposition all the representatives of the 36 provinces of the former 6 Giacomo Boni was specialized in Roman architecture; since 1898 he was appointed Director of the archaeological excavations in Forum Romanum, which he directed until his death in He was a pioneer of stratigraphical research in Forum Romanum. 7 Rodolfo Lanciani was Professor of Roman topography at Università di Roma ( ), when he did archaeological researches in the center of Rome. His best known work is Forma Urbis Romae ( ), a set of 46 maps of ancient Rome, on scale 1: GILKES 2006, MUNZI 2006, See for details and a full description of the Mostra Archeologica, PALOMBI 2009, 74 sq.

354 354 CRISTIAN OLARIU Roman Empire. Another purpose was to show the Roman influence, both on public and private life, in the provinces and the degree of Romanization they attended 11. The objectives declared by Lanciani in his inaugural discourse were threefold: to recompose the shape fo the Romane Empire, by asking every of the 36 former provinces to provide a token of Roman beneficience for the respective province, especially in the field of public monuments. Then, to give back to the provinces the artistic treasures (as copies, of course) the Italians erected since the Renaissance, in order to enrich the local museums. Three, the tentative to re compose the monuments or statuary groups which the hostile vicissitudes altered or dispersed. To these declared objectives, Lanciani added a refined valorisation of the archaeological discoveries made by Italians, home and abroad 12. Lanciani knew how to conceive an exhibition that, despite evident nationalistic spirit of exalting Roman Empire and by analogy the Italian monarchy, still could include reference to the non Roman elements upon which the Empire was built, as distinct from his former student Giglioli 13, who did the opposite in installations of the future Museo dell Impero. The principal message of exhibition propaganda remained that of Rome s pre eminent civilising mission in overcoming barbarism, and the founding role of Augustus. The exhibition begun with the Dea Roma, followed immediately by a room entirely dedicated to Augustus, giving to the founder of the Empire an honor denied to all other emperors. The subsequent rooms included objects arranged according to their provenance in the ancient provinces, with works from the palace of Diocletian at Split (Croatia), from the Tropaeum Traiani at Adamclisi (Romania), and from the theater at Orange (France). At the end, however, the Roman civilisation did not 11 STRONG 1939, PALOMBI 2009, Giulio Quirino Giglioli ( ), was a former student and assistant of Lanciani. Since 1923, he held positons at the University of Rome, where he taught ancient topography and Classical art history. He was also archaeologist, being involved in the excavations from the Forum of Augustus and the Mausoleum of Augustus and Etruscan sites as well. He was closely related to the Fascist building projects in Rome and one of the regime s main collaborators in the use of archeology as propaganda.

355 Archaeology, Architecture and the Use of Romanità in Fascist Italy 355 remain unchallenged in its superiority: for example, the Greek government sent hundreds of plaster casts, including the sarcophagus of Hagia Triada. The show did represent barbarian culture alongside the Roman, but it was taken for granted that the Latins dominated. All of this linked with the political climate of colonial expansion promoted by the government of Giovanni Giolitti. However, the civilising message and the geographic organisation of the materials were not strictly connected. The message only became clear to the observer on the basis of single objects that could lead back to the thematic context 14. In connection with the Italian expansion in North Africa, there occurs the crystallization of the notion of Romanità, closely related to the idea of a revival of imperial Rome. Also, around 1900, the ancient concept of Mare Nostrum (referring the Mediterranean) made it s way in the Italian press 15. Thus, the Risorgimento was redesigned as a historical necessity brought about by (divine) providence, in order to secure the success of the civilizing mission, which was held to be the universal vocation of the Roman Italian race 16. The discontent generated by the end of WW1, when Italy felt betrayed by her allies at the peace talks, combined with the aggressive rise of social unrest many of them fueled by Socialists and Bolsheviks have led to a revolutionary state which of finally the Fascists took advantage to take over the government 17. This could be achieved mainly through the paramilitary style of organization that the Fascist movement has benefitted. Although the movement s founder Benito Mussolini, a controversial figure firstly a Socialist, then an Annunzian, finally Il Duce of the Fascist National Party 18 was not an admirer of historical disciplines, however he recognized their value, taking some elements of 14 BARBANERA 2008, SANDROCK 2011, _A_Paper_Money_Trail.pdf, VISSER 1992, NOLTE 2009, describes in detail the rise of Fascism and Mussolini in the troubled context that followed the conclusion of the WW1. 18 NOLTE 2009, ; Bosworth, 2002, , for the political evolution of Mussolini.

356 356 CRISTIAN OLARIU organization from the Roman legion. Thus, the Fascist squadre were organized on a paramilitary model in the directives for organization ( Direttive per l organizzazione delle squadre fasciste ), issued in early 1922, the emphasis was on hierarchical organization, on a military model, partially using the ancient Roman military ranks. Thus, a squadra (20 50 men) was divided in squadriglie of 4 members, led by a caporale ; 4 squadre formed a centuria, led by a centurione ; 4 centuries formed a cohort, led by a seniore, and 3 9 cohorts formed a legion, led by a console 19. The appeal to the values of ancient Rome and the more pointed promotion of Romanità will be more visible in the Italian foreign policy, especially after the proclamation of the Italian Empire (May 9, 1936). Not being any novelty, Romanità was a concept used since the pre war era, in order to promote conservative and reactionary ideas both in press and political debate 20. The concept has gained even greater importance by juxtaposition with Italienità, which stressed the awakening of the italian spirit 21. Romanità has become important especially in legitimizing the Italian conquests in Africa and the Balkans while in Italy, the concept has been linked to an even closer association of Mussolini with the founder of the Roman Empire, Augustus. From this point of view, Mussolini s speech from December 31, 1925, which compares the Augustan and modern Rome, is indicative: In five years, Rome must appear marvelous to all the people of the world: vast, ordered, powerful as it was in the time of the first emperor Augustus. 22 In the following years, Mussolini s identification with Augustus will be strengthened and refined in two propagandistic directions: the Duke will emulate the politics of Augustus, and his apologists will create parallels between Fascist Italy and Augustan Rome. To do so there was a re interpretation of history, being created, for example, parallels between 19 NOLTE 2009, BEGG 2006, GILKES 2006, KOSTOF 1978, 284.

357 Archaeology, Architecture and the Use of Romanità in Fascist Italy 357 the Roman revolution ( BC) and the Risorgimento 23 ; in the same way the Roman revolution preceded the Augustan Principate, in modern times, the Risorgimento preceded the ascension of Fascism and the foundation of a new Empire, whose leader Il Duce was the modern equivalent of Augustus 24. In the same order of ideas, the Fascist ideology used propaganda motifs taken from the Augustan one such as the myth of the founder/saviour of the state, the emphasis on reviving the traditions, or the motif of the citizen soldier and peasant in the same time 25. Moreover, certain similarities with the establishment of the Principate were highlighted in particular that both the Principate and the Fascist Era brought order after a period of crisis. From this point of view, Roger Griffin had done an excellent analysis on the Fascist propaganda around the palingenetic myth. 26. However, since 1925, the Fascist elite has increasingly highlighted the similarities with the Augustan era, on Augustus as forerunner of Mussolini and the focus on Romanità as an ideological concept. In the same year, Carlo Galassi Paluzzi founded the Istituto (Nazionale) di Studi Romani in Rome. Paluzzi was especially close to the Minister of National Education, Giuseppe Bottai, who was interested in the use of ancient Rome in Fascist propaganda. Although the Institute was not, essentially, a Fascist institution, many of it s researchers (Paluzzi included) were symphatetic to Fascism, which has facilitated the collaboration in promotion of a cult of Rome as part of the Fascist propaganda 27. The Institute was entrusted with the task of formulating a ʹcoherent fascist classicismʹ, arguing that Fascism was the ʹrebirthʹ of the ancient civilization and spreading the ideology through university lectures and scholarly magazines such as Roma. On the other hand, the archaeological investigations in Rome, Italy and the rest of the Empire focused on the Classical archaeological 23 VISSER 1992, NOLTE 2009, 563: even sincedecember 1923, Mussolini declared that between Garibaldi and the Black Shirts there existed a ideal and historical continuity and that the Fascism completes the Risrogimento. 25 See for details OLARIU 2005, 16 sq. 26 GRIFFIN 1996, THOMAS 2003, html,

358 358 CRISTIAN OLARIU strata in order to enhance the parallelism. The researches has been well represented in the media, where film footages chronicling excavation, restoration and construction projects at sites such as Ostia Antica, the Pantheon, the Markets of Trajan, the imperial forums, the Via dei Fori Imperiali, EUR, and the new university was edited into provocative newsreels and distributed to cinemas throughout the country 28. Two years later, the Museo dell Impero was inaugurated, under the direction of Giulio Quirino Giglioli, a former assistant of Rodolfo Lanciani, Etruscologist and art historian. Giglioli also investigated, with A. M. Collini, the crypt of the Mausoleum of Augustus ( ), as part of a new systematic program for enhancement of the area and display of the ancient monuments 29. The period was marked by expansion of the archaeological excavations in the Roman Forum, where the Classical stratum was privileged at the expense of the subsequent ones. The need for propaganda early display of ancient monuments led to a certain type of research involving quick cleaning ( topographical excavation ) 30, to expose the ancestors to the contemporary, whom they inspired. This type of research unfortunately led to the disappearance of monuments of later ages several churches and convents disappeared, the Velia Hill was partially excavated; the Alessandrino district, which contained, among others, the house of the famous 19 th century antiquarian Francesco Martinetti itself a monument of architecture was erased and its inhabitants relocated to the outskirts of Rome. Similarly, Mussolini s plan for remodelling and systematization of Rome, to its transformation into a capital worthy of the new Italian Empire led, with the creation of Via dell 28 MEDINA LASANSKY 2004, KOSTOF 1978, Carlo Anti was the main promoter of this type of archaeological research. His scientific activity was, since 1922, closely linked with the University of Padova and he was a enthusiastic collaborator of Mussolini. Since December 16, 1943, he was nominated as Direttore Generale at the Direzione Generale delle Arti in the newly created Repubblica Sociale Italiana.

359 Archaeology, Architecture and the Use of Romanità in Fascist Italy 359 Impero, to the partial obliteration of the Roman imperial fora 31. The artifact recording also was affected, most of them, now at the Museo della Civilità Romana, being without precise data on the context and location of their discovery, which makes almost impossible any scientific research on these pieces. Other projects, such as the creation of the Piazzale Augusto Imperatore, were part of the grandiose plan of rebuilding Rome as the capital of the New Italian Empire. The ruins of the glorious ancestors would witness the rise of their offspring as a new world power. But the approach was debatable. The glorious ruins were uncovered, but at the cost of later archaeological strata, which were totally neglected. Also, the recording of the findings was poor if not totally neglected. Such a project was the creation of the Piazzale Augusto Imperatore, designed to be a landmark of Rome, which would combine the glory of the past and present. The Mausoleum of Augustus and its restoration were supposed to be the central pieces in the project exposition was to be held on the occasion of the two thousandth anniversary of the birth of Augustus (1937). The restoration was to be part of a larger project, which aimed to create a piazzale where Antiquity, Christianity, and the Fascist Age would be reflected, by reshaping the entire area. In Mussolini s view, the project which included, besides creating a piazzale, a wide passage towards Corso would have a threefold use: history and beauty, traffic and hygiene (by traffic de congestion in the area, the cleaning of it which meant the demolition of 120 houses and the cleaning of c m 2. The Duke assured his auditorium that every house would be photographed inside and outside in order to preserve the memory of the condemned buildings. Also, the social benefits were not negligible, since it offered jobs for workers for three years (as it would last the project) 32. Restoration of the Mausoleum of Augustus, under the direction of Antonio Muñoz, was completed in time to celebrate the bimilennary of 31 key.com/rome/dei fori imperiali mussolinis fascist route through rome, KOSTOF 1978, 270: Mussolini s discourse, October , before the start of clearance work around the Mausoleum of Augustus.

360 360 CRISTIAN OLARIU Augustus. The final version was the one proposed by Guglielmo Gatti, but received criticism from the politicians, due to the emphasis on dry restoration, only of archaeological nature 33. Other buildings that were to be erected in the Piazzale, which was to be used as space definers have undergone many alterations from the original design. From this point of view, the architect responsible for the final design of the Piazzale, Vittorio Ballio Morpurgo, benefitted of Mussolini s indications (he changed the project according to his inspiration or during his work or ceremonial visits he made on the site), of the governors of Rome (Giuseppe Bottai, ; Pietro Colonna, ; Giangiacomo Borghese, ) and of the principal sponsor of the project, INFPS ( Istituto Nazionale Fascista della Providenza Sociale ) 34. Morpurgo s final project was published in In the same complex, there was supposed to function a subterranean museum, where the reconstructed Ara Pacis would be dispalyed. Ara Pacis, the second focal point of the plaza, was dedicated on January 30, 9 BC, to celebrate Augustus triumphal return (adventus) from his visit in Spain and Gaul in 13 BC 35. The building originally fell outside the pomoerium, on Via Flaminia, on the east side of Campus Martius. Built in the flood plain of Tiber, the altar came to be covered in centuries by ca. 4 m of silt. Some fragments belonging to the Ara Pacis were discovered in 1568 under the basilica San Lorenzo in Lucina and found their way to Villa Medici in Rome, to Vatican, to Palazzo Uffizi in Florence or in the Louvre Palace (Paris). In 1859, other fragments belonging to the shrine were identified under Teatro Olimpia (later Cinema Nuovo Olimpia). In 1937, due to the celebration of the bimillenary of Augustus, the Italian government decided to rescue these fragments by using the most advanced excavation techniques. Thus, in order not to jeopardize Cinema Nuovo Olimpia s stability, the basement was frozen, the altar s fragments taken and the remaining spaces were filled with concrete. 33 KOSTOF 1978, KOSTOF 1978, HOLLIDAY 1990, 544.

361 Archaeology, Architecture and the Use of Romanità in Fascist Italy 361 Vittorio Ballio Morpurgo, in charge with the creation of Piazzale Augusto Imperatore, was also charged with the re creation of Ara Pacis near the Mausoleum of Augustus. Besides Mausoleum and Ara Pacis, three churches were to be spared from the pickaxe: S. Carlo al Corso, S. Rocco and S. Girolamo degli Schiavoni (now known as S. Girolamo degli Illirici), also as a consequence of the recent Concordate concluded between Mussolini and the Papacy (in 1929). On this occasion, a new rapprochement was made between Il Duce and the founder of the Roman Empire. As justly appreciated Neil Leach: Clearly, a common denominator between the Church and the fascist regime was found not only in the field of moral values but also in the imperial ambitions of Il Duce. From a Catholic point of view, Italian imperialism was in fact justified on the basis of Aquinas doctrine of the just cause, often used to corroborate Mussolini s aspirations to expand Italy s spazio vitale and in terms of demographic expansion 36. On the other hand, the new buildings belonging to INFPS (Fabbricado A and B, intended for office buildings) and the Collegio degli Illirici (rebuilt in the period ), were conducted to assess the rationalist architectural style so much appreciated by the Fascist regime and decorated with reliefs and mosaics that glorified the Fascist Age and its values. Thus, the piazzale was meant to be a blend of ancient imperial glory, Roman Catholic Christian values and the triumph of the Fascist era. In fact, however, the piazzale creation marked the involvement of politics and the cheapness of realization. Instead of Morpurgo s elegant, simple and classical design on the Ara Pacis Museum, there was used a project altered at the last minute by a commission of engineers, who used cheap materials: Originally intended to be built of glass and marble, the pavilion was constructed hurridly and cheaply of glass, concrete and fake porphyry. It provided limited protection from urban polution, the severe temperature changes in Rome, and other environmental factors. The side windows provided generous light but the ceiling was dark and low 37. As for the liberation of the Mausoleum, ca m 2 of debris had to be 36 NOTARO 2005, pacis/meier/piazza augusto imperatore/pavilion/,

362 362 CRISTIAN OLARIU cleaned, with 126 houses, whose s dwellers were relocated on the outskirts of Rome 38, but the restoration, which was intended to be a propaganda masterpiece, did not go as planned (another option to restore the Mausoleum, proposed by the journalist and art critic Ugo Ojetti, suggested addition of a ring of statues of the great Augustans Agrippa, Livia, Vergilius, Germanicus, Maecenas, Horatius, Titus Livius). The same Ojetti cricized the whole project of the piazzale, fearing that the issue would be too monotonous and that the public would have benefitted more from the presence of an auditorium in the Mausoleum, than the archaeological monument 39. The largest building on the north side (Fabbricato A) provided office space for the INFPS, which financed the project. The Latin inscription at the far end of the building referred to the extraction of the Mausoleum from the shadow of the centuries, the reconstruction of the Ara Pacis, and the emergence of new streets, buildings, and churches in place of the former congestion. Two winged victories holding the fasces flanked the inscription. Above, were depictions of various kinds of work on either side of the central panel, which featured the river Tiber holding up Romulus and Remus with the she wolf beneath. The same façade included further illustrations of Roman and fascist military prowess. At one end were depictions of ancient military artifacts such as helmets, shields, bows, and arrows. At the opposite end were modern weapons and motifs. Ironically, the message of peace permeated the piazza. The Emperor Augustus established the Pax Romana, and his Ara Pacis, or Altar of Peace, would be the chief attraction along with the mausoleum. The building containing the Collegio degli Illirici housed a seminary for Croats and had mosaic panels on the top story celebrating Christ as Prince of Peace, PRINCIPIS PACIS 40. Spiro Kostof came to this conclusion in his study of the piazzale: But whatever the cirscumstances of its creation, the piazzale is not a good 38 KOSTOF 1978, KOSTOF 1978, PAINTER JR. 2005, 74.

363 Archaeology, Architecture and the Use of Romanità in Fascist Italy 363 example of political art. Its aim is diffuse, both because the iconographic content to be broadcast was diffuse and also because the design of the piazzale, as it finally emerged, was diffuse. Romans were already cognizant of this kind of historical associationnism through the full range of propaganda machinery used by the regime. What is doubtful is that the piazzale could sharpen the familiar message or add to it a new dimension of meaning....its aim as political art had been to use relics of the Augustan age to lend authority to Fascist achievement. The contest, at least in the visual sense, was never really joined. The Fascist side of the balance is too weak: what we are conscious of is the Augustan substance. Our opinion of Augustus is not affected by the association with Mussolini, and our opinion of Mussolini is not enhanced. The Duce yields to the emperor and is lost. The Piazzale, in the end remains a colossal mistake. 41 Another opinion states: Undoubtedly, the Piazzale Augusto Imperatore, one of the largest squares in Rome, must have had its propaganda impact at the time, although the result was not equal to the expectations from both a scientific and an imaginative one 42. In 1936, when fascist Italy has become an empire, explicit references to the virtuousness of ancient Rome s imperial expansion can be made. This is given an additional boost by the prospect of , the year of the bimillenary celebration of emperor Augustus: through the organisation of a vast exposition (Mostra Augustea della Romanità), as well as through conferences, radio programmes and even stamps, the latter was lavishly commemorated as the emperor of peace, empire, law and order. The regime made ample use of Augustus to increase its popularity, even going so far as to distribute free train tickets to allow people from all over the country to visit the exposition 43. The celebrations associated to the bimillenary represented the top of Fascist identification with Romanità and underlined Mussolini s increasing tendency to identify with an imperial imagery. Also, the 41 KOSTOF 1978, NOTARO 2005, NELIS 2008, 142.

364 364 CRISTIAN OLARIU celebrations were a landmark in the Fascist effort to transform Rome into a political centre of a new born world power. In the center of these celebrations stood the Exhibition dedicated to the Augustan bimillenary, Mostra Augustea della Romanità. The intiator of the exhibition, Giulio Quirino Giglioli, former assistant of Rodolfo Lanciani, Etruscologist and at that time, Professor of Archaeology and History of Greek and Roman Art at the University of Rome, was assisted in it s implementation by Carlo Galassi Paluzzi, the Director of Istituto di Studi Romani and Antonio Maria Coleni, arheologist of the City Hall of Rome, all three known as spontaneous converts to fascism 44. They brought with them, along with propaganda, scientific legitimacy and attracted many intellectuals on this occasion. As Diane Ghirardo pointed: a wide spectrum of intellectuals inside and outside local and state bureaucracies participated in the major cultural events of the era. With the marked increase in the pace and tempo of everything from exhibitions to the restoration of old buildings or art works under fascism, it comes as no surprise that librarians, architects, artists, bureaucrats, historians, critics, art historians, curators and others were eager to participate 45. The Mostra Augustea della Romanità opened on the emperor s birthday September 23 rd comprising over three thousand plaster casts, scale models, photographs and maps; it was held in the renovated Palazzo delle Esposizioni in Rome, where a massive Mussolinian epigraph inscribed over the entrance called for the glories of the past [to] be surpassed by the glories of the future. 46 The Exhibition brought together over 3,000 exhibits and received a generous catalogue of over 700 pages, edited by Giulio Quirino Giglioli and Gustavo Giovannoni. The Exhibition received unanimous acclaim, E. Strong acheiving a comprehensive and laudatory description of it, even recommending to his British readers the organization of a similar one 47. In accordance with this 44 MUNZI 2006, GHIRARDO 1996, ARTHURS 2007, STRONG 1939, 166.

365 Archaeology, Architecture and the Use of Romanità in Fascist Italy 365 description, Mostra Augustea abandoned the principle of sharing the material by provinces (as in Mostra Archeologica from 1911), in favor of a tripartite distribution of the material: history and politics, for the chronologically development of the Empire; architectural and engineering accomplishments; social and religious life 48. The Exhibition was a mixture of history and mythology, where Augustus and his age represented the centerpiece. Perhaps the most curious representation of this type was in the main exhibition hall (Hall X), where the focus was occupied by a representation of Genius Augusti between the altars of Pax and Salus, and flanked by the statues of Augustus of Prima Porta and Augustus as Pontifex Maximus (an exquisite statue found on the Via Labicana in 1910) 49. The Genius Augusti was faced by a tall glass pillar which framed a cross inscribed in luminous characters with the words from the Gospel of St. Luke (II, 1 14). Immediately behind the luminous cross a cast of the medieval altar at the Ara Coeli, set up on the spot where the Sybil prophesied to Augustus the Birth of the Child 50, showed how deeply rooted, in the Middle Ages, was the belief in the coincidence of the two events. Mainly there are two tendencies: a recognition of the value of the Roman past to its Christian follow up sometimes translating itself into the idea of antiquity as a praeparatio of Christianity, and an increasing presence of contributions related on aspects of fascist Romanità, whose merits are increasingly being lauded. Previously, the Catholic Church was extremely careful in positioning relative to the pagan Rome and it s values, as they were presented by the new rulers of Italy. Sometimes, the pagan antiquity was not only ignored, but rather criticized and, usually, separated from the Christian era 51. On the other hand, after Church and State has reached a political (the Lateran Pact) as well as a civic (the Concordato) entente in 1929, and after a subsequent conflict with the fascist government on the 48 STRONG 1939, STRONG, 1939, STRONG, 1939, NELIS, 2008, 140.

366 366 CRISTIAN OLARIU role of the Azione Cattolica has been resolved, some aspects of the fascist Romanità were able to infiltrate the Catholic discourse on antiquity. The political mythology was to be observed in the first rooms of the exhibition, dedicated to the origins of Rome especially Hall III, arranged with rare taste and intuition by Dr. Pietrangeli 52, where was presented the map of Aeneas journeys, as they were presented in Vergilius Aeneis. In the middle of the room, reigned the symbolic plow with which Romulus would have traced the pomoerium, set on a plot of real earth. Along with other exhibits that reminded the mythical past of Rome, drew attention the portraits of the seven kings of Rome, as they were depicted on Late Republican coins 53. The following rooms were dedicated to the Republic (up to Hall VIII inclusive), with an emphasis on the Roman expansion. A good representation was the dictatorship of Sulla; Caesar, in exchange, was somewhat under represented because, if Augustus was to be the exposition s focal point, the dictator must be kept in the shade. Similarly, in the halls dedicated to the imperial era (Halls XXII XXIV), the potential competitors of Augustus such as the Flavians, Trajan or Hadrian (whose 1800 th commemoration will be held in the autumn of 1938, in a somptuous exhibition at Castel San Angelo) and their achievements have underrepresented. On the other hand, if the political section of the exhibition was full of symbolism that sometimes forced the rapprochement between the ancient Roman state and the New Roman Empire of Mussolini, the other two sections presented, at the first floor, aspects related to the empire and it s civilizing mission art and architecture, engineering, roads and communications, the military whilst at the top floor, there were treated aspects related to civilization and daily life. In all, Mostra Augustea della Romanità presented a totalitarian, technological, militarized and rigidly hierarchical picture of the ancient world. The thematic organization of the rooms, while disposing with the monotony of the geographic layout, depicted Roman culture in its entirety as uniform and 52 STRONG, 1939, 140; also, the archaeological research from Butrint, Albania, after 1930, were used to illustrate Romanità: GILKES 2006, STRONG 1939, 140.

367 Archaeology, Architecture and the Use of Romanità in Fascist Italy 367 homogenous not only across space, but across time and in every sector of public and private life. Traditions were always used by the totalitarian regimes. The appeal to such traditions was intended to bind the aesthetic and political realms of the community together as a cohesive unit and to ensure continuity and legitimacy for the government based upon that newly unified community. The past was not meant to be embraced merely on its own terms but, although apparently paradoxical, evoking the past was a means of transforming the movement into a modern state. In this context, Romanità and all what presupposes this concept make no exception. Brought with the help of French bayonets, a new nationalist breath will crystallize during the Risorgimento and will find its peak in interwar Italy. This murmur is to be found in the revolutionary iconography of the 19 th century, but especially the Fascist era a strange combination of traditionalism and extreme modernity made use and abuse of it. The glorious traditions of imperial Rome were reused to give legitimacy to a dictator who, increasingly, considered himself the incarnation of Augustus, but ultimately failed.

368 368 CRISTIAN OLARIU ILLUSTRATIONS Fig. 1. Banco di S. Spirito banknote of 60 baiocchi, dated From: SANDROCK, JOHN E., Italian Paper Money Prior to Unification Part II, in _Unification_ _Part_II.pdf,

369 Archaeology, Architecture and the Use of Romanità in Fascist Italy 369 Fig. 2. General plan of the organization of the Mostra Archeologica, From: PALOMBI 2009, 89, figure 10.

370 370 CRISTIAN OLARIU Fig. 3. Mausoleum of Augustus exposed, From KOSTOF 1978, 272, figure 2.

371 Archaeology, Architecture and the Use of Romanità in Fascist Italy 371 Fig. 4. Front Cover of the Catalogue of the Mostra Archeologica (1911). From: BELLON, f. a., 207, figure 50, ca%20nelle%20terme%20di%20diocleziano% pdf,

372 372 CRISTIAN OLARIU Fig. 5. The poster of the Mostra Augustea della Romanità, From: di ricerca/progetto nigrasubucula/, REFERENCES ARTHURS, JOSHUA (Re)Presenting Roman History in Italy, , in NORTON, CLAIRE (ed.), Nationalism, Historiography and the (Re)Construction of the Past,

373 Archaeology, Architecture and the Use of Romanità in Fascist Italy 373 BARBANERA, MARCELLO The Impossible Museum. Exhibitions of Archaeology as Reflections of Contemporary Ideologies, in SCHLANGER, N., NORDBLADH, H., (eds.), Archives, Ancestors, Practices: Archaeology in the Lights of History, Oxford, New York 2008, BEGG, D. J. IAN Fascism in the Desert. A Miccrocosmic View of Archaeological Politics, in GALATY, MICHAEL L., WATKINSON, CHARLES (eds.), Archaeology Under Dictatorship, New York, BOSWORTH, R. J. B Mussolini, London. GHIRARDO, DIANNE YVONNE Città Fascista: Surveillance and Spectacle, Journal of Contemporary History, Special Issue: The Aesthetics of Fascism 31. 2, GILKES, OLIVER The Trojans in Epirus. Archaeology, Myth and Identity in Inter War Albania, in GALATY, MICHAEL L., WATKINSON, CHARLES (eds.), Archaeology Under Dictatorship, New York, GRIFFIN, ROGER The Nature of Fascism, London, New York. HOLLIDAY, PETER J Time, History, and Ritual on the Ara Pacis Augustae, The Art Bulletin, 72. 4, KOSTOF, SPIRO The Emperor and the Duce: The Planning of Piazzale Augusto Imperatore in Rome, in MILTON, H., NOCHLIN, L. (eds.), Art and Architecture in the Service of Politics, Cambridge, MEDINA LASANSKY, D The Renaissance Perfected: Architecture, Spectacle, and Tourism in Fascist Italy (Buildings, Landscapes, and Societies), University Park. MUNZI, MASSIMILIANO Italian Archaeology in Libya. From Colonial Romanità to Decolonization of the Past, in G GALATY, MICHAEL L., WATKINSON, CHARLES (eds.), Archaeology Under Dictatorship, New York, NELIS, JAN Catholicism and the Italian fascist myth of Romanità: between consciousness and consent, HAOL (Historia Actual OnLine) 17, NOLTE, ERNST Fascismul şi epoca sa, Bucureşti. NOTARO, ANNA Ressurecting an imperial past: strategies of selfrepresentation and masquerade in fascist Rome ( ), in LEACH,

374 374 CRISTIAN OLARIU NEIL (ed)., The Hieroglyphics of Space. Reading and Experiencing the Modern Metropolis, London, New York, OLARIU, CRISTIAN Ideologia imperială în antichitatea târzie, Bucureşti. PAINTER JR., BORDEN W Mussolini s Rome. Rebuilding the Eternal City, New York. PALOMBI, DOMENICO Rome L Exposition archéologique du cinquantenaire de l Unité italienne, Anabases 9, STRONG, E Romanità Throughout the Ages, Journal of Roman Studies 29, 2, VISSER, ROMKE Fascist Italy and the Cult of the Romanità, Journal of Contemporary History, 27, no. 1, Weblinks: SANDROCK, JOHN E., Italy s Colonial Empire A Paper Money Trail, in _A_Paper_Money_Trail.pdf, SANDROCK, JOHN E., Italian Paper Money Prior to Unification Part II, in _Unification_ _Part_II.pdf, Thomas, Richard F., review on Beat Näf (ed.), Antike und Altertumswissenschaft in der Zeit von Faschismus und Nationalsozialismus. Kolloquium Universität Zürich Oktober Mandelbachtal Cambridge: edition cicero, 2001, html, key.com/rome/dei fori imperiali mussolinis fascist routethrough rome, pacis/meier/piazza augusto imperatore/pavilion/, BELLON, JUAN PEDRO, La Mostra Archeologica nelle Terme di Diocleziano, 1911, f. a., pp ,

375 Archaeology, Architecture and the Use of Romanità in Fascist Italy ca%20nelle%20terme%20di%20diocleziano% pdf,

376

377 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, LA LEGISLAZIONE SU RESTAURO E RICOSTRUZIONE DEL PATRIMONIO EDILIZIO PUBBLICO. APPUNTI PER UNA RICERCA DANIELE VITTORIO PIACENTE Keywords: Maintenance Restoration Reconstruction. Abstract: The concept of restoration of a property to us moderns seems clear enough, but in ancient times was often confused with that of reconstruction. During the long period of decline first and then the dissolution of the Roman Empire, even the public buildings were in a state of serious decline and were therefore in need of significant and expensive restoration work. The Theodosian Code governs the legislation on public works in a specific way, where maintenance and restoration are preferred for reconstruction. Parole chiave: Manutenzione Restauro Ricostruzione. Summarium: Il concetto di restauro di un immobile per noi moderni appare sufficientemente chiaro, mentre nell antichità veniva sovente confuso con quello di ricostruzione. Durante la lunga fase prima di declino e poi di dissoluzione dell impero romano, anche gli immobili pubblici versavano in una situazione di grave decadenza ed erano perciò bisognosi di rilevanti e costosi lavori di ripristino. Il Codice teodosiano disciplina la legislazione sulle opere pubbliche in uno specifico titolo, dove la manutenzione ed il restauro vengono preferiti alla ricostruzione. Cuvinte cheie: Mentenanță Restaurare Reconstrucție. Rezumat: Conceptul de restaurare a proprietății este evident și înțeles de la sine în lumea contemporană, însă în perioada antică era deseori confundat cu cel de reconstrucție. In decursul perioadei de declin și apoi de disoluție a Imperiului Roman, chiar și clădirile publice se aflau într o stare avansată de decădere și, prin urmare, necesitau importante și costisitoare lucrări de refacere. Codicele lui Theodosiu dirijează legislația referitoare la lucrările publice într o manieră specifică; astfel mentenanța și restaurarea sunt preferate reconstrucției. Università di Bari Aldo Moro, danielevittorio.piacente@uniba.it

378 378 DANIELE VITTORIO PIACENTE Alla fine del III secolo d.c., durante la lunga fase prima di declino e poi di dissoluzione dell impero romano 1, anche le città, soprattutto quelle di più antica fondazione, versavano in una situazione di grave decadenza ed erano perciò bisognose di rilevanti e costosi lavori di ripristino, in specie dell edilizia pubblica; si salvavano solo le città sedes imperii, come Milano e Ravenna in Italia e Costantinopoli in Oriente. Non sembra inutile, dunque, fare alcune brevi considerazioni proprio sul tema del restauro del patrimonio edilizio pubblico nella tarda antichità, anche perché riflettono una problematica molto attuale 2. Qualche riflessione meritano due episodi molto noti 3, quasi coevi tra loro: alla fine del I secolo a.c. Erode il Grande, in Palestina, a sue spese, diede l avvio ad un grande piano di opere pubbliche, tra cui la costruzione del Tempio di Gerusalemme, dando così lavoro a migliaia di sudditi. Successivamente Agrippa II, per imitare Erode, seguì il suo esempio meritorio, ma quando attorno alla metà del I secolo d.c. la costruzione di quelle opere fu conclusa, circa tecn tai restarono senza lavoro, per cui Agrippa fu costretto a risolvere la grave crisi occupazionale venutasi a creare limitandosi a concedere ai disoccupati di pavimentare le strade cittadine, in considerazione degli altissimi costi di altre soluzioni che gli erano state proposte. Un secondo episodio si rivela ancor più significativo sul fronte occupazionale: Svetonio 4 riferisce che l imperatore Vespasiano, cui va 1 Sul tema, solo a titolo esemplificativo, PIGANIOL 1964, 65 ss.; JONES 1973, 305 ss.; MOMIGLIANO 1973, = MOMIGLIANO 1980, ; DEMANDT 1989, In un periodo di grave recessione economica come quella che stiamo attraversando, molti economisti ritengono che la soluzione più efficace per contrastare la crisi sia costituita da un articolato piano di realizzazione di infrastrutture, cioè di opere pubbliche finanziate dallo Stato, che possa avere un effetto trainante per l economia generale del Paese. E in effetti, anche in un passato più o meno recente, per esempio dopo il collasso finanziario del 1929, con questo sistema si sono ottenuti risultati spesso molto significativi. 3 Vd. Soprattutto BODEI GIGLIONI 1974, Sue, Vesp. 18: Primus e fisco Latinis Graecisque rhetoribus annua centena constituit; praestantis poetas, nec non et artifices, Coae Veneris, item Colossi refectorem insigni congiario magnaque mercede donavit; mechanico quoque grandis columnas exigua impensa perducturum in Capitolium pollicenti praemium pro commento non mediocre optulit, operam remisit praefatus: sineret se plebiculam pasceret.

379 La legislazione su restauro e ricostruzione del patrimonio 379 notoriamente attribuito il merito di aver ricostruito Roma dopo l incendio del 64, si era dimostrato particolarmente sensibile all opera di restauro della Venere di Coo e della colossale statua di Nerone posta nella domus aurea, gratificando di lauti emolumenti e ricchi doni gli artefici di quel lavoro. Tuttavia rifiutò di prendere in considerazione il progetto di un ingegnere il quale aveva ideato una sorta di macchina per trasportare sul Campidoglio con spese ridotte grandi colonne di marmo, e giustificò questo suo disinteresse motivandolo col fatto che solo così gli era possibile dar da mangiare al popolo: sineret se plebiculam pasceret. L imperatore, cioè, preferiva rinunciare ad una innovazione tecnologica economicamente più conveniente a favore del mantenimento dei livelli occupazionali esistenti: siamo cioè di fronte ad una delle prime attestazioni che ci documentano una realtà oggi drammaticamente attuale, che cioè il progresso tecnico si trova quasi sempre in rotta di collisione con l utilizzazione del lavoro manuale dell uomo. Indubbiamente appare difficile poterne ricavare che Agrippa e Vespasiano seguissero ante litteram il modello anticongiunturale dei lavori pubblici come insostituibile motore di sviluppo economico. Infatti il progresso tecnologico avversato da Vespasiano voleva solo essere una forma di personale generosità nei riguardi del popolo, peraltro in un periodo in cui la mano d opera era ancora abbondante e a basso costo. Bisogna anche sottolineare che in Svetonio il termine plebicula non ha alcuna valenza dispregiativa né tantomeno classista, anzi dimostra l affetto e la disponibilità dell imperatore nei riguardi degli strati più deboli della popolazione 5. Un discorso analogo si può estendere ad un diverso comparto di lavori pubblici spesso dimenticato, anche se è presumibile che esso costituisse già nell antichità un efficace volano per l economia statale: si tratta dei lavori di restauro degli immobili pubblici, sia civili sia religiosi, 5 E ovvio, peraltro, che la generosità dei governanti, così come l eùerges a dei ricchi privati nel campo dei lavori pubblici era finalizzata essenzialmente al raggiungimento di una visibilità personale, la ricerca della gloria (come già notava Cicerone in Off. 1.44; 2.31; 2.60).

380 380 DANIELE VITTORIO PIACENTE in tutto l impero romano: tali strutture, costruite nei secoli precedenti, è naturale che avessero periodicamente bisogno di radicali interventi di ristrutturazione. Tuttavia su questo specifico problema rimangono notizie alquanto generiche, probabilmente per la natura stessa di quegli interventi che non si prestavano a descrizioni dettagliate né tantomeno tecniche, e che forse non risultavano neanche molto utili alla visibilità personale di chi li aveva promossi: per indicare questo tipo di lavoro Livio usa l espressione sarta tecta tueri 6, mentre i tecnici che vi venivano impiegati erano definiti curatores aedium sacrarum monumentorumque publicorum tuendorum 7. Prima di procedere oltre, vediamo di definire il concetto di restauro di un immobile, che per noi moderni appare sufficientemente chiaro, mentre nell antichità spesso veniva confuso con quello di ricostruzione; difatti le fonti sono sempre particolarmente laconiche sulle reali condizioni in cui versavano gli edifici pubblici che si intendeva restaurare. Si pensi che soprattutto nell edilizia privata gli antichi facevano largo uso di materiali lignei, destinati ad essere devastati prima o poi dai frequentissimi incendi. L edilizia pubblica, invece, giustamente privilegiava materiali lapidei, più solidi e resistenti di fronte ad eventi imprevedibili. Tuttavia anche le strutture in muratura spesso collassavano, soprattutto in assenza di adeguata manutenzione, e quasi sempre gli elementi di crollo rimanevano abbandonati in loco 8 : dunque nell antichità la ricostruzione di un edificio pubblico distrutto si configura in parte come una ricostruzione, ma in parte anche come un restauro in quanto, per le difficoltà di reperimento e di trasporto del materiale per l edilizia, nella ricostruzione venivano riutilizzati fino ad esaurimento 6 Liv : Ad id censorem moribus regendis creatum? Cui sarta tecta exigere sacris publicis et locare tuenda more maiorum traditum esset, eum per sociorum urbes diruentem templa nudantemque tecta aedium sacrarum vagari!. Vd. MILAZZO 1993, 147 nt. 230; TRISCIUOGLIO 1998, 19 ss. 7 CIL. IX Indicativo, anche se fortemente demagogico, l esempio che volle dare Vespasiano collaborando personalmente a rimuovere il materiale di risulta di edifici distrutti.

381 La legislazione su restauro e ricostruzione del patrimonio 381 tutti gli inerti giacenti nel circondario e ancora utilizzabili 9. Si trattava, dunque, di un lavoro di tipo misto, nello stesso tempo di reimpiego dell esistente e di ricostruzione ex novo, una filosofia edilizia che si sviluppò particolarmente in età tardoantica, quando ci si trovò di fronte da un lato ad una imponente presenza di manufatti provenienti dai secoli passati, dall altro alla difficoltà di sostenere gli alti costi di reperimento di nuovi materiali edilizi. Plinio il Vecchio attesta che il pretore Quinto Marcio Re fu incaricato del restauro delle strutture degli acquedotti dell Aqua Appia, dell Anio Vetus e della Tepula oltre che della costruzione del nuovo acquedotto dell Aqua Marcia 10, che in seguito Agrippa, durante la sua edilità, fece restaurare a sue spese insieme con tutti gli edifici pubblici, strade e fognature 11, avendo cura di mantenere per la manutenzione degli acquedotti duecentoquaranta schiavi, che poi diventarono familia publica sotto Augusto e familia Caesaris sotto Claudio 12. Ad Agrippa, dunque, si 9 Un eco significativa del problema costituito dalla giacenza al suolo di macerie rivenienti da edifici collassati è anche l espressione deformibus ruinis di CTh [(25 maggio 364): Impp. Val(entini)anus et Valens AA. ad Symmachum p(raefectum) u(rbi): Intra urbem Romam aeternam nullus iudicum novum opus informet, quotiens serenitatis nostrae arbitria cessabunt. Ea tamen instaurandi, quae iam deformibus ruinis intercidisse dicuntur, universis licentiam damus. Dat. VIII kal. Iun. Philippis divo Ioviano et Varroniano conss.], poi ripreso da CI , dove si specifica che un novum opus poteva essere costruito solo a proprie spese. [CI : Impp. Valentinianus et Valens AA. ad Symmachum pu. Intra urbem Romam veterem et novam nullus iudicum novum opus informet, quotiens serenitatis nostrae arbitria cessabunt, nisi ex suis pecuniis huiusmodi opus construere voluerit. Ea tamen instaurandi, quae iam deformibus ruinis intercidisse dicuntur, universis licentiam damus. Dat. VIII k. Iun. Philippis divo Ioviano et Varroniano conss.]. 10 Plin., Nat : Q. Marcius Rex, iussu a senatu aquarum Appiae, Anienis, Tepulae ductus reficere, novam a nomine suo appellatam cuniculis per montes actis intra praeturae suae tempus adduxit... Vd. FRANK 1959, 260; COARELLI 1977, 17; MORGAN 1978, 27 35; TRISCIUOGLIO 1998, 134 nt. 87; VALLOCCHIA 2012, 93 nt Cass. Dio e Vd. da ultimo COSTABILE , Front., Aq. 1,96: Tutelam autem singularum aquarum locari solitam invenio positamque redemptoribus necessitatem certum numerum circa ductus extra urbem, certum in urbe servorum opificum habendi, et quidem ita ut nomina quoque eorum quos habituri essent in ministerio per quasque regiones in tabulas publicas deferrent ; eorumque operum probandorum curam fuisse penes

382 382 DANIELE VITTORIO PIACENTE deve ascrivere il merito di aver reso permanente questo indispensabile servizio di manutenzione degli acquedotti pubblici. Va anche segnalata l informazione che Augusto stesso ci dà del proprio operato nel campo dell edilizia, secondo la quale egli procedette alla costruzione ex novo di diciassette grandi opere, tra civili e religiose 13. Portò poi a termine cantieri iniziati da Cesare, ma soprattutto restaurò il Campidoglio ed il teatro di Pompeo, nonché la via Flaminia, acquedotti, ponti e ben ottantadue templi degli dei 14. Sotto Marco Aurelio assistiamo ad un pesante decremento demografico che provoca anche una grave carenza di mano d opera, tanto che ai cittadini vengono imposte corvées finalizzate essenzialmente al restauro dell esistente piuttosto che a nuove costruzioni, come era avvenuto fino ad allora 15. Anche Costantino avvertì l esigenza di rendere la neonata città di Costantinopoli esteticamente piacevole, attraverso l abbellimento architettonico degli edifici esistenti (o la costruzione di nuovi): ciò spiega anche la continua richiesta nelle costituzioni imperiali di personale tecnico censores aliquando et aediles, interdum etiam quaestoribus eam provinciam obvenisse, ut adparet ex senatus consulto quod factum est C. Licinio et Q. Fabio cos. Vd. TRISCIUOGLIO 1998, 27 ss.; VALLOCCHIA 2012, 91 nt Aug., Res gestae 20: Capitolium et Pompeium theatrum utrumque opus impensa grandi refeci sine ulla inscriptione nominis mei. Rivos aquarum compluribus locis vetustate labentes refeci, et aquam quae Marcia appellatur duplicavi fonte novo in rivum eius inmisso. Forum Iulium et basilicam quae fuit inter aedem Castoris et aedem Saturni, coepta profligataque opera a patre meo, perfeci et eandem basilicam consumptam incendio, ampliato eius solo, sub titulo nominis filiorum meorum incohavi, et, si vivus non perfecissem, perfici ab heredibus meis iussi. Duo et octoginta templa deum in urbe consul sextum ex auctoritate senatus refeci nullo praetermisso quod eo tempore refici debebat. Consul septimum viam Flaminiam ab urbe Ariminum refeci pontesque omnes praeter Mulvium et Minucium. 14 Inoltre dai primi versi della sesta ode del terzo libro di Orazio si può forse ricavare che Ottaviano aveva ricevuto, probabilmente già nel 28 a.c., l incarico di restaurare i templi di Roma: Delicta maiorum immeritus lues, / Romane, donec templa refeceris / aedesque labentes deorum et / foeda nigro simulacra fumo. 15 Secondo la testimonianza di Liv : Et Roma cum frequentia crescere, tum tota simul exsurgere aedificiis et re publica impensas adiuvante et aedilibus velut publicum exigentibus opus et ipsis privatis admonebat enim desiderium usus festinantibus ad effectum operis; intraque annum nova urbs stetit.

383 La legislazione su restauro e ricostruzione del patrimonio 383 di alta qualificazione professionale, che evidentemente in oriente non era facilmente reperibile. Infatti tutte quelle competenze che in occidente si erano stratificate nel corso del tempo, a Costantinopoli dovevano essere create molto rapidamente, in quanto l imperatore tra il 324 e il 325 dette inizio ai grandi lavori di costruzione della città, che si svolsero nel giro di cinque/sei anni. Costantino incentivò anche gli insegnamenti professionali, fino ad allora piuttosto trascurati: in una lettera al Prefetto Felice 16, sollecitò l avviamento agli studi di architettura, anche attraverso apposite borse di studio, di quanti più giovani fosse possibile 17. E ancora, con una legge promulgata dopo la sua morte, ma quasi certamente da lui ispirata, volle incentivare con forza le professioni manuali, specie quelle utili all edilizia, evidentemente molto rare in oriente: intonacatori, stuccatori, falegnami, scalpellini, pittori, intagliatori, mosaicisti, marmisti, argentatori, doratori, costruttori di pavimenti o di scale, veterinari, scultori, trapanatori di pietre e metalli preziosi, lavoratori del bronzo, del ferro, dell avorio e del piombo, lastricatori di pavimenti, costruttori di specchi, vetrai, lavandai, stovigliai e pellicciai, tutti artigiani per i quali era altresì prevista l esenzione dagli oneri pubblici JONES MARTINDALE MORRIS 1971, CTh [27(?) agosto(?) 334]: Imp. Constantinus A. ad Felicem. Architectis quam plurimis opus est; sed quia non sunt, sublimitas tua in provinciis Africanis ad hoc studium eos impellat, qui ad annos ferme duodeviginti nati liberales litteras degustaverint. Quibus ut hoc gratum sit, tam ipsos quam eorum parentes ab his, quae personis iniungi solent, volumus esse inmunes ipsisque qui discent salarium competens statui. P(ro)p(osita) VI kal. Sept. Karthagine Optato et Paulino conss. Vd. SEECK 1919, CTh = CI (2 agosto 337): Idem A. ad Maximum p(raefectum) p(retori)o. Artifices artium brevi subdito conprehensarum per singulas civitates morantes ab universis muneribus vacare praecipimus, si quidem ediscendis artibus otium sit adcommodandum; quo magis cupiant et ipsi peritiores fieri et suos filios erudire. Dat. IIII non. Aug. Feliciano et Titiano conss. Segue l elenco di trentacinque professioni: architecti, medici, mulomedici, pictores, statuarii, marmorarii, laquearii, lapidarii, quadratarii, sculptores, musivarii, deauratores, albarii, argentarii, barbaricarii, diatretarii, aerarii, fusores, tignarii, structores, scansores, intestinarii, ferrarii, blattiarii, tessellarii, aquae libratores, figuli, aurifices, vitriarii, plumbarii, specularii, eburarii, pelliones, carpentarii, fullones. Vd. GERMINO 2003,

384 384 DANIELE VITTORIO PIACENTE Da una lettera di Simmaco inviata a suo padre apprendiamo che i notabili di Benevento, in assenza di interventi statali, dovettero finanziare le opere pubbliche cittadine e contribuirono a ricostruire la città dopo il terremoto del Fino al IV secolo la documentazione riguardante la normativa sul restauro degli edifici pubblici è molto carente. Solo nel V il Codex Theodosianus registra in un titolo specifico (il 15.1: de operibus publicis) un elenco di ben cinquantatré costituzioni imperiali relative agli edifici pubblici e alla loro manutenzione. La maggior parte di esse tocca vari problemi, per lo più di carattere generale, relativi alla costruzione di opere di pubblica utilità. Delle cinquantatré costituzioni il Codice di Giustiniano ne riporta ventitré nell omologo titolo (l 8.11: de operibus publicis), con l ultima mutila. Va rilevato, peraltro, che dieci delle costituzioni teodosiane sono distribuite in un arco cronologico di circa quarant anni (dal 365 al 406) e trattano ripetutamente di un unico argomento, che costituiva evidentemente un problema molto sentito ancora nel IV secolo, ma riveniente dai secoli passati: esse insistono in maniera quasi ossessiva sul concetto secondo cui, prima di procedere a nuove costruzioni, si doveva obbligatoriamente provvedere al restauro di quelle già esistenti, che eventualmente avessero avuto bisogno di tale tipo di intervento. Dopo questa prima fase dedicata al ripristino del patrimonio edilizio pubblico presente, ma prima ancora di procedere alla costruzione di nuove opere pubbliche, era indispensabile completare manufatti lasciati incompiuti, per i motivi più vari, da altri. Facevano eccezione le costruzioni di nuovi templi 20, nonché le strutture per il ricovero di 19 Symm., Epist : Et urbs cum sit maxima, singuli eius optimates visi sunt mihi urbe maiores, amantissimi litterarum morumque mirabiles. Deos pars magna veneratur; privatam pecuniam pro civitatis ornatu certatim fatigant. Nam postquam terra movit, nihil paene illis reliqui factum est, sed fractae opes infractos animos reppererunt. 20 CTh (29 giugno 326): Idem A. Secundo p(raefecto) p(raetori)o. Provinciarum iudices commoneri praecipimus, ut nihil se novi operis ordinare ante debere cognoscant, quam ea conpleverint, quae a decessoribus inchoata sunt, exceptis dumtaxat templorum aedificationibus. Dat. III id. kal. Iul. Constantino A. VII et Constantio C. conss.

385 La legislazione su restauro e ricostruzione del patrimonio 385 animali 21. E interessante rilevare, a questo proposito, che nessuna delle dieci costituzioni contenute nel Codice teodosiano che impartiscono disposizioni sulla precedenza da dare ai restauri rispetto alle nuove costruzioni 22 furono poi recepite dal Codice giustinianeo. Evidentemente nel VI secolo, si preferiva privilegiare le nuove costruzioni abbandonando le vecchie ad un degrado fatalmente inarrestabile. Non va però dimenticato che Costantinopoli e le città orientali erano molto più nuove di quelle occidentali. In particolare una costituzione del 380, indirizzata da Tessalonica a Giuliano, prefetto dell Egitto, dagli imperatori Graziano, Valentiniano e Teodosio, stabilisce con molta precisione che il governatore provinciale deve destinare ben due terzi dei finanziamenti disponibili al restauro di edifici che vel incuria vel vetustate versino in precarie condizioni, mentre solo un terzo va riservato a nuove costruzioni 23. Un indiretta conferma di tale realtà si può ricavare da una costituzione del 383 con la quale si stabiliva che i ruderi giacenti in qualsiasi luogo pubblico della città dovevano essere abbattuti 24 ; la disposizione fu integrata nel Codice giustinianeo con l espressione contra 21 CTh (15 marzo 365): Idem AA. Ad Mamertinum p(raefectum) p(raetori)o. Censura tua hanc iudicibus licentiam penitus amputabit, ne aliquid novellum adgrediantur opus veterum inlustrium fabricarum reparatione neglecta. In eo sane larga ac benigna his licentia tribuetur, ut ornamenta urbium ac decora marmorum, quae in aliquo senium temporis sentiunt, ad speciem pristinam et usum congruae utilitatis instaurent. Ceterum nihil auspicari quemquam novi operis patieris exceptis stabulorum fabricis, quae ex usu publico, si ita res tulerit, non prohibemus institui. Dat. Id. Mar. Senigallia Val(entini)ano et Valente AA. conss. Vd. SEECK 1919, 222; JONES MARTINDALE MORRIS 1971, CTh ; 14; 15; 16; 17; 20; 21; 27; 29; CTh (17 marzo 380): Imppp. Gr(ati)anus, Val(entini)anus et Theod(osius) AAA. Iuliano p(rae)f(ecto) Aegypti. Iudex, qui ad provinciam fuerit destinatus, duas partes vel incuria vel vetustate conlabsas ad statum pristinum nitoris adducat adque tertiam construat novitatis, si tamen famae et propriis cupit laudibus providere. Dat. XVI kal. April. Thessal(onicae) Gr(ati)ano A. V et Theod(osio) A. I conss. Vd. SEECK 1919, CTh (11 giugno 383): Idem AAA. Have Procule k(arissime) nob(is). Praescribitio temporis iuri publico non debet obsistere, sed ne rescribta quidem. Adque ideo diruenda sunt omnia, quae per diversas urbes vel in foro in quocumque publico loco civitatis extructa noscuntur. Dat. III id. Iun. Constan(tino)p(oli) Merobaude II et Saturnino conss. Vd. SEECK 1919, 263.

386 386 DANIELE VITTORIO PIACENTE ornatum et commodum ac decoram faciem 25, da cui si può evincere che all epoca di Giustiniano si prestava una particolare attenzione al decoro e alla fungibilità degli spazi pubblici cittadini. Gli imperatori Arcadio e Onorio nel 395 riservarono un terzo di tutti i canoni di locazione dei fondi della città esclusivamente al restauro delle mura e delle terme che forse avevano urgente necessità di interventi di considerevole impegno finanziario 26. Alcuni giorni dopo impartivano analoghe disposizioni, con la medesima quota di riserva, per il ripristino delle mura urbane 27. Per quanto attiene al restauro delle opere pubbliche, della normativa di Arcadio e Onorio del , il Codice giustinianeo riprende testualmente la parte che riguarda la concessione ai finanziatori dei lavori per apporre sui refecta aedificia o la propria immagine, o quella degli imperatori che hanno promosso l iniziativa 29. Una prassi ancora oggi di 25 CI : Imppp. Gratianus Valentinianus et Theodosius AAA. ad Proculum. Praescriptio temporis iuri publico non debet obsistere, sed nec rescripta quidem. Atque ideo diruenda sunt omnia, quae per diversas urbes vel in foro vel in quocumque publico loco contra ornatum et commodum ac decoram faciem civitatis extructa noscuntur. D. III id. Iun. Constantinopoli Merobaude II et Saturnino conss. 26 CTh (21 giugno 395): Impp. Arcad(ius) et Honor(ius) AA. Eusebio com(iti) s(acrarum) l(argitionum). Ne splendidissimae urbes vel oppida vetustate labantur, de reditibus fundorum iuris rei publicae tertiam partem reparationi publicorum moenium et thermarum subustioni deputamus. Dat. XI kal. Iul. Med(iolano) Olybrio et Probino conss. Vd. SEECK 1919, CTh (5 luglio 395): Idem AAA. Have Vincenti k(arissime) nob(is). Precipua nobis cura est, ne aut provinciales nostri superindictionibus praegraventur aut opera publica pereant vetustate conlabsa. Singuli igitur ordines civitatum ad reparationem moenium publicorum nihil sibi amplius noverint praesumendum praeter tertiam portionem eius canonis, qui ex locis fundisque rei publicae quotannis conferri solet, sicut divi parentis nostri Valentiniani seniores deputavit auctoritas. Dat. III non. Iul. Med(iolano) Olybrio et Probino conss. Vd. SEECK 1919, 286; ROMEO 2008, CTh (27 giugno 406): Idem AAA. Aemiliano p(raefecto) u(rbi). Si quando usus exegerit vel porticus vel quaslibet aedes aetatis senio seu fortuitis concussas casibus reparari, liceat etiam inconsulta clementia nostra cum reverentia sui imaginem deponere vel nostram vel retro principum reportatamque post refecta aedificia loco proprio denuo conlocare. Dat. V kal. Iul. Constan(tino)p(oli) Arcad(io) A. VI et Probo conss. Vd. SEECK 1919, CI : Idem AA. et Theodosius Aemiliano pu. Si quando usus exegerit vel porticus vel quaslibet aedes aetatis senio seu fortuitis concussas casibus reparari, liceat etiam inconsulta

387 La legislazione su restauro e ricostruzione del patrimonio 387 attualità, soprattutto quando il restauro è stato patrocinato e finanziato da enti privati o semplici cittadini. Si può concludere che, in età tardoantica, sulle autorità preposte a questo tipo di attività incombeva l urgenza di procedere al ripristino di immobili pubblici che il passare del tempo aveva portato ad un evidente stato di degrado; per questo fu necessario elaborare una normativa apposita, come quella contenuta nel Codice teodosiano, le cui disposizioni appaiono piuttosto rigorose e cogenti: si tendeva a privilegiare la costruzione di nuovi immobili, abbandonando i vecchi manufatti al loro destino. Lo studio merita sicuramente un approfondimento sulla legislazione imperiale in materia di edifici e costruzioni di proprietà ed utilizzo pubblico attraverso l analisi e l esegesi di tutte le costituzioni contenute nel titolo 15.1 del Codice teodosiano, non senza riferimento e collegamento a quelle riportate nel giustinianeo. BIBLIOGRAFIA BODEI GIGLIONI, G Lavori pubblici e occupazione nell antichità classica, Bologna. COARELLI, F Public Building in Rome between the Second Punic War and Sulla, in PBSR 45, COSTABILE, F Storia del diritto pubblico romano, Reggio Calabria. DEMANDT, A Die Spätantike. Römische Geschichte von Diocletian bis Justinian ( n. Chr.), München. FRANK, T An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, I, Paterson New Jersey. clementia nostra cum reverentia sui imaginem deponere vel nostram vel retro principum, reportatamque post refecta aedificia loco proprio denuo collocare. Dat. V k. Iul. Constantinopoli Arcadio A. VI et Probo conss.

388 388 DANIELE VITTORIO PIACENTE GERMINO, E Medici e professores nella legislazione costantiniana, in SDHI 69, JONES, A.H.M Il tardo romano impero ( d.c.), I, Milano. JONES, A.H.M. MARTINDALE, J.R. MORRIS, J The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, I (A.D ), Cambridge. MILAZZO, F La realizzazione delle opere pubbliche in Roma arcaica e repubblicana. Munera e Ultro tributa, Napoli. MOMIGLIANO, A La caduta senza rumore di un Impero nel 476 d.c., in Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, III, 3, = MOMIGLIANO A in Sesto Contributo alla storia degli studi classici e del mondo antico, Roma, MORGAN, G The introduction of the Aqua Marcia into Rome, B.C., in Philologus 122, PIGANIOL, A Le Sac de Rome: vue dʹensemble, in Le Mémorial des siècles: Les Evénements cinquième siècle, ed. G. Walter, Paris. ROMEO, E Interventi sulle fabbriche antiche dall età classica alla tarda età imperiale, in AA.VV., Verso una storia del restauro: dall età classica al primo Ottocento (a cura di S. Casiello), Firenze. SEECK, O Regesten der Kaiser und Päpste für die jähre 311 bis 476 N. Chr., Vorarbeit zu einer prosopographie der Christlichen Kaiserzeit, Stuttgart. TRISCIUOGLIO, A Sarta tecta, ultrotributa, opus publicum faciendum locare. Sugli appalti relativi alle opere pubbliche nell età repubblicana e augustea, in Memorie del Dipartimento di scienze giuridiche dell Università di Torino, serie V, memoria VII, Napoli. VALLOCCHIA, F Studi sugli acquedotti pubblici romani, I. La struttura giuridica, Napoli.

389 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, RODOLFO STRICCOLI ( ) En septembre 2011, j ai été envahi par une profonde tristesse en apprenant la mort de notre collègue et ami, le Professeur Rodolfo Striccoli, un éminent représentatif de l archéologie préhistorique à l Université de Bari. La nouvelle était d autant plus choquante que, depuis presque deux décennies, il y avait une tradition d organiser une rencontre entre les représentatifs de l archéologie et des études classiques des Universités de Yassy et de Bari. Les rencontres avaient lieu soit en Roumanie, soit en Italie, pour partager les préoccupations communes et surtout pour ainsi cimenter l amitié qui s était formée entre eux. Le Professeur Striccoli a été l initiateur de ces contacts devenus permanents puisque, plus d une décennie, il avait fait des efforts considérables pour statuer, et ensuite pour maintenir et développer (par des formes nouvelles) la collaboration entre les deux universités. Le Professeur Striccoli a été, à notre avis, le partenaire idéal pour cette collaboration basée sur une confiance mutuelle totale, sur une véritable camaraderie, issue des mêmes idéaux professionnels et de vie. Il a su dépasser avec légèreté et élégance les difficultés de nature matérielle et organisationnelle qu on devait (et on